COLLECTIONS 



NEW JERSEY 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



VOLUME I. 



PRINTED FOR THE 

NEW JERSEY HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

- 18 4 6. 



OFFICERS 

OF THE 

NEW JERSEY HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

ELECTED 1846. 



Hon. JOSEPH C. HORNBLOWER, LL. D., President, Newark. 
ROBERT G. JOHNSON, Esq., ]st Vice President, Salem. 
Hon. peter D. VROOM, 2d " Trenton. 

Hon. JAMES PARKER, 3d " Perth Amboy. 

WILLIAM A. WHITEHEAD, Corresponding Secretary, Newark. 
JOSEPH P. BRADLEY, Recording Secretary, Newark. 
THOMAS J. STRYKER, Treasurer, Trenton. 
THOMAS GORDON, Librarian, Trenton. 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 



Rev. DANIEL V. McLEAN, Freehold. 

Rev. NICHOLAS MURRAY, D. D., Elizabethtown. 

WILLIAM B. KINNEY, Newark. 

ARCHER GIFFORD, Newark. 

Rev. ELI F. COOLEY, Trenton. 

RICHARD S. FIELD, Princeton. 

A. BRUYN HASBROUCK, LL. D., New Brunswick. 

Rt. Rev. GEO. W. DOANE, D.D., LL. D., Burlington. 

ELIAS B. D. OGDEN, Paterson. 



COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS. 

Hon. WILLIAM A. DUER, LL. D. 
Rev. NICHOLAS MURRAY, D. D. 
CHARLES KING, 
Rev. ELI F. COOLEY, 
JOHN S. CONDIT, M. D. 
WILLIAM B. KINNEY, 
WILLIAM A. WHITEHEAD. 



• J^W% 




NEW JERSEY, 

from llic\fap of A.VanJcrilonck, 1656, 



EAST JEESEY 



THE PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENTS 



NARRATIVE OF EVENTS CONNECTED WITH THE SETTLEMENT 

AND PROGRESS OF THE PROVINCE, UNTIL THE 

SURRENDER OF THE GOVERNMENT 

TO THE CROWN IN 

1702. 



DRAWN PRINCIPALLY FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES. 



By WILLIAM A. WHITEHEAD. 



WITH 

AN APPENDIX, 

CONTAINING 

THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT OF EAST NEW-JERSEY, IN AMERICA, 

BY GEORGE SCOT, OF PITLOCHIE. 

NOW FIRST REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL EDITION OF 1685. 



PUBLISHED BY THE 

NEW-JERSEY HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 
1846. 



Ektesed, according to Act of Congicss, in the year 1846, by 

WILLIAM A. WHITEHEAD, 

In the Clerk's Office of the U. S. District Court for the District of New-Jersey 



J. F. Trow & Co., Printers, 
33 Ann-stTeet. New-York. 



P U E F A C E. 



The following work was undertaken by the Author 
solely for his own use while prosecuting inquiries re- 
lating to a portion of East Jersey ; the fact becoming 
soon apparent that the general histories of Smith and 
Gordon, and other works referring to New Jersey, did 
not contain that minute information which seemed ne- 
cessary for the proper elucidation of many important 
periods in our early history. As its title indicates, it is 
a simple narration of events, bearing upon the settle- 
ment and growth of the province of East Jersey, which 
for the most of the time previous to 1702, not only 
had a different government, but in almost every other 
respect was separate and distinct from West Jersey. 
It is submitted to the public, at the request of the 
New Jersey Historical Society, rather as furnishing 
materials for history, than as being in itself complete. 

" The popular historian" — remarks a modern writer* 

* J. D' Israeli. 



^- PREFACE. 



a composes a plausible rather than an accurate tale ; 

researches too fully detailed would injure the just pro- 
portions, or crowd the bold design of the elegant narra- 
tive ; and facts, presented as they occurred, would not 
adapt themselves to those theoretical writers of history 
who arrange events not in a natural but systematic or- 
der." And he truly adds, that " he who 07}ly views 
thino-s in masses will have no distinct notion of any one 
particular." The general historian must gather his facts 
from the details of local annals, and in proportion as they 
are wanting must his labors be imperfect. In New 
Jersey researches of that kind have been few, and the 
Author, in consequence, has retained many dates and 
minor circumstances connected with the settlement of 
the several towns which would otherwise have been ex- 
cluded ; thereby, probably, marring the interest of his 
book to the general reader by giving it too precise a 
character, but contributing he trusts to its value in the 
estimation of the student of our history. The dates 
are generally given in accordance with the present mode 
of commencing the year with the first of January, — any 
deviation from the rule being noticed. 

The Author has endeavored to give his authority for 
every assertion of importance, and no known work con- 
nected with the subject of his researches has been left 
unexamined. The Proprietary Records of the Eastern 
Division, in the Register's Office at Perth Amboy, 
have been critically gone through, and all the valuable 
information they contain has been secured. The 



PREFACE. y|j 



Colonial Records of New York have also been in- 
spected, and many papers of importance obtained 
which were never before used in the illustration 
of our history ; the thorough examination of foreign 
archives, and the judicious selection of documents by 
her historical agent,* having recently placed that State 
in possession of an almost uninterrupted series, from 
the settlement of the New Netherlands to the War of 
Independence. The Author is not aware of any source 
whence additional light can be thrown upon the events 
to which his narrative refers, unless the archives of 
England should contain other information respecting 
the proprietary governments than has yet been procured ; 
which may be the case, although it will not probably be 
found voluminous. He is apprehensive that the histori- 
cal treasures referring to New Jersey, there deposited, 
are principally of dates subsequent to the period he 
has had under review. 

The republication of the " Model of the Government 
of East New Jersey" was deemed advisable from its 
great rarity ; it never having been reprinted. The 
efficient aid it rendered in inducing emigration to the 
province, and its making known the actual condition 
of many of the early settlers in their own language, give 
to it especial interest. 

To avoid misconceptions, it is proper to state, that 
extracts from the manuscript of this work appeared 

* John Romeyn Brodhead. 



viii PREFACE. 

some years since in a series of articles prepared for the 
Newark Daily Advertiser, and became in that way, al 
though in an imperfect form, available to others. 

Newark, New Jersey. 
January, 1846. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

PERIOD I. 1609-1664. — From the Discovery of the Country, until its 
Surrender to the English, ...... 1 

PERIOD II. 1664-1682. — From the Surrender of the Country to the 
English, until the Sale to the Twenty-four Proprietaries, . 30 

PERIOD III. 1682-1689. — From the Transfer of East Jersey to the 
Twenty-four Proprietaries, to the Subversion of the Authority of 
Andros, ........ 88 

PERIOD IV. 1689-1702. — From the Subversion of the Authority of 

Andros, to the Surrender of the Government to the Crown, 129 

NOTES, 175 

APPENDIX, ........ 228 



ILLUSTRATIOx^S. 

Map of New Jersey, 1656, ..... Facing title-page. 

Official Seal of Berkeley and Carteret, 1665, . . . Page 88 

MapofEast Jersey, 1682, ..... Facing page 88 

OfficialSealof the Twenty-four Proprietaries, 1682, . . Page 128 

Autographs, ....... Facing page 129 

Official Seal of Governor Philip Carteret, 1676, . . . Page 189 



ERRATA. 

Page 11, line 2, for " renewing" read receiving. 
Page 24, line 24, for " Reymont," read Roymcnt, 
Page 38, line 8, for " grantees," read grantors. 
Page 46, line 15, for "Peirson," read Pierson. 
Page 59, line 11, for " 1G72," read 1672-3. 
Page (', Note, for " Kieth," read Keith. 
Page 88, line 8, for " Broome," read Oroome 
Page 93, line 14, for " 1664," read 1665. 
Page 187, line 33, before " honored," insert " 
Page 211, line 22, for " in," read on. 
Page 251, line 28, for " cos," road eos. 
Page 251, line 29, for " palane," read pa/am. 
On the Map of New Jersey Pavonia is improperly given as " Parooia," and its location should 
have been that covered by " Niew Amsterdam." 

At the top of the Map of East Jersey, for " Orcant Fall," read Great FalU. 



EAST JERSEY 



THE PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENTS 



PERIOD I. 

FROM THE DISCOVERY OP THE COUNTRY, UNTIL ITS 
SURRENDER TO THE ENGLISH. 

1609—1664. 

Sebastian Cabot in 1498, sailing under the flag of 
England; John Verrazzano in 1523, under the flag of 
France; and Stephen Gomez in 1524-5, under that of 
Spain ; each coasted the American Continent in those 
degrees of latitude which include, what are now, the 
shores of New Jersey, and probably Verrazzano held 
some intercourse with the natives ;^ but nothing resulted 

' It is presumed the following portion at anchor in a good berth, we would not 
of Verrazzano's letter to Francis I. refers venture up in our vessel without a know- 
to his visit to our waters. " We found ledge of the mouth ; therefore we took 
a very pleasant situation among some the boat, and entering the river we found 
steep hills, through which a very large the country on its banks well peopled, 
river, deep at its mouth, forced its way the inhabitants not differing much from 
to the sea : from the sea to the estuary the others, being dressed out with the 
of the river any ship heavily laden might feathers of birds of various colors, 
pass without the help of the tide, which They came towards us with evident de- 
rises eight feet. But as we were riding light, raising loud shouts of admiration , 

1 



2 DISCOVERY OF THE COUNTRY. [1609. 

from these voyages towards either the settlement of the 
country, or the investigation of its resources. Notwith- 
standing, therefore, the visits of these navigators, to 
Henry Hudson may properly be ascribed the honor of 
first discovering this section of the continent, although 
nearly a century later in his explorations ; as through 
him a comparatively perfect knowledge of it was first 
conveyed to the inhabitants of Europe. 

It was on the afternoon of Thursday, September 
3d, 1609, that the eyes of the natives, then inhabiting 
the shores of Sandy Hook, were directed in wonder and 
admiration towards an European vessel entering the bay 
from the broad expanse of ocean which constituted the 
eastern boundary of their world. Uncertain were they 
at first whether what they beheld was a monster of the 
deep, or an apparition from the world of spirits, but as 
the mysterious object drew nearer, they were led finally 
to regard it as a mighty canoe under the guidance of the 
Great Spirit, and navigated by inferior divinities.^ We 
are told of the despatch of runners, a convention of sa- 
chems, and the reception of their presumed celestial visit- 

and showing us where we could most se- Cogswell's Translation, N. Y. Hist. Coll_ 
curely land with our boat. We passed 2d Series, Vol. I. p. 45. There is an older 
up this river about half a league, when translation from Hackluyt, somewhat 
we found it formed a most beautiful lake, different, in the Society's first vol. p. 52. 
three leagues in circuit, upon which they * Vanderdonk, who wrote in 1650, and 
were rowing thirty or more of their small had seen and conversed with Indians liv- 
boats from one shore to the other, filled ingat the time of Hudson's arrival, states 
with multitudes who came to see us. All that they had no knowledge of any pro- 
of a sudden, as is wont to happen to navi- vious visit of the white men. As 85 or 
gators, a violent contrary wind blew in 86 years had elapsed since Verrazzano's 
from the sea, and forced us to return to voyage, it is possible that in the wander- 
our ship, greatly regretting to leave this ings of different tribes, all knowledge of 
region, which seemed so commodious and the intercourse had with him may have 
delightful, and which we supposed must been lost. — N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Series, 
also contain great riches, as the hills Vol. I. 
showed many indications of minerals." 



( 



1609.1 DISCOVERY OF THE COUNTRY. 3 

ant with propitiatory offerings, which, though the au- 
thority for them be tradition, wear sufficiently the sem- 
blance of truth to be adopted by the historian as pro- 
bable occurrences.^ 

The vessel, whose arrival thus marked the day as 
one to be remembered, was the "Half Moon."'* Her 
enterprising commander, — an Englishman by birth, but 
then in the service of the Dutch East India Company — 
had, in two previous voyages of discovery, added con- 
siderably to the geographical knowledge of the northern 
regions of the continent ; and in the voyage which we 
are now considering, had coasted our shores from the 
44th degree north to Chesapeake bay : anchoring in 
our waters on his return northward. 

The journal of the voyage^ gives a detailed account 
of the discoveries made, the intercourse had with the 
natives, and the other circumstances attending the ex- 
ploration of the bay and harbor of New York, and of 
that " great river," as it was called by Hudson, which 
now bears his name. 

A boat despatched up the bay, for the purpose of 

' See a tradition of the Delawares, in " a sheer inference unsupported by phi- 
the N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Series, Vol. I. lology," and gives as the correct name of 
page 71, communicated by Rev. John the island, il/ow-a-ionoril/on-aA-iaR-uA:, 
Heckewelder, of Pennsylvania, and be- descriptive of the whirlpool of Hellgate. 
lieved by him to be as authentic as any The council referred to was held on the 
of the Indian traditions. He had it di- southern termination of the island, 
rectly from them. It is added, that in •* So called by every writer but Ban- 
return for their civilities the natives were croft, who dignifies her by styling her the 
made to taste of intoxicating liquors, and " Crescent." She is called in one of the 
that to commemorate the event, they call- books of the Company seen by Mr. 
ed the island thereafter " Mannahatta- Brodhead, the " Halve-Maan ;" she was 
nink," the place of drunkenness or mad- of 80 tons burthen, 
ness from drinking. Mr. Schoolcraft, ^ The journal is by Hudson's mate, 
however, in a report on aboriginal names Juet, and is reprinted from Hackluyt in 
to the New YorL- Histor. Society, (see N. Y. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. 1st Series, and 
Transactions of 1844,) asserts this to be Vol. I. 2d Series. 



4 NATIVES OF MONMOUTH COUNTY. [1609. 

sounding the channel and examining the country,'^ hav- 
ing returned with intelHgence that there was abundance 
of water, that the lands were " pleasant with grass and 
flowers and goodly trees as ever they had seen," and 
that " very sw^eet smells came from them," prepara- 
tions were made, and on the 10th of September, Hud- 
son weighed his anchor with the intention of ascending 
what we now know as ' The Narrows ;' but, impeded, 
as his progress necessarily was, by the measures of pre- 
caution required in the navigation of strange w^aters, he 
did not enter the river until the 12th, and not before the 
20th did he attain a point somewhat above the present 
location of the city bearing his name, whence a boat 
was sent, that, it is supposed, ascended the river as high 
as the present site of Albany.'^ On the 23d of the 
month, the descent of the river was commenced ; its 
mouth was reached on the 4th of October, and Hudson 
proceeded directly to sea.^ 

The natives of w hat is now Monmouth county, New 
Jersey, went on board of Hudson's vessel without hesi- 
tation, soon after his arrival, and seem to have been 



* It is probable this sounding party ating Staten Island from New Jersey ; 

penetrated as far as Newark bay. The but it is evident he went out the way he 

Journal states, that they arrived at " a came in. The mate says, " Within a 

narrow river to the westward, between while after [coming out of the river], we 

two islands," understood to be the Kills ; came out also of the great month of the 

and then it is added, " so they went in great river that runneth up to the 

two leagues, and saw an open sea, and northwest, burrowing upon the more 

returned." northern side of the same," &c. Now 

'' Dr. Miller's Address, N. Y. Hist, the Kills had already been designated as 

Coll. Vol. I. J. R..Brodhead's Address "a narrow river to the westward," and. 

before Hist. See. Nov. 20, 1844. moreover, on the same day before twelve 

8 Mr. Folsom, in a note to the Journal o'clock they were outside of Sandy Hook, 

(N.Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Series, Vol. I. p. which they certainly could not have been, 

331), expresses an opinion that Hudson had they sailed around Staten Island, as 

returned to sea through the sound separ- Mr. Folsom suggests. 



1C09.] NATIVES OF MONMOUTH COUNTY. 5 

pleased with what they beheld. They were civil in their 
deportment, and disposed to exchange such products of 
the country as they had for knives, beads, and articles 
of clothing. They were 'well dressed in deer skinnes,' 
some in ' mandes of feathers,' and others in 'skinnes 
of divers sorts of good furres ;' 'they had red copper to- 
bacco pipes,' and wore other ornaments of copper around 
their necks. 

The journal states that a party from the ship on 
landing, "saw great store of men, women and children, 
who gave them tobacco at their coming on land. So 
they went up into the woods, and saw great store of very 
goodly oakes, and some currants,^ for one of them came 
aboard and brought some dried, which were sweet and 
good. Some women also came with hemp." Grapes, 
pumpkins, beaver and otter skins, oysters, Indian-wheat 
and beans, are also mentioned in the course of the jour- 
nal as being in abundance, and affording the means for a 
profitable traffic ; the smallest trifles being received by the 
natives in exchange. 

On Hudson's homeward voyage, some mutinous Eng- 
lishmen among his crew obliged him to put into Dart- 
mouth, whence intelligence of his discoveries was con- 
veyed to the king. James, opposed to every thing that 
could advance the commercial prosperity of Holland, 
caused Hudson to be detained under some pretence ; but 
his vessel was subsequently released, and continued on 
her voyage to Amsterdam ;^° and in 1610, some merchants 

3 Probably whortleberries ; as they are Brodhead's Address, pp. 14, 15. There 

in other early accounts described as a can be no doubt that this detention of 

fruit resembling currants. Hudson was the true cause of his leav- 

'° Lambrechtsen's New Netherlands, ing the employment of the Dutch, al- 

N. Y. Histor. Collect. 2d Series, Vol. I. though there are several other reasons 



Q ESTABLISHMENT OF THE DUTCH. [1613. 

of tfnat city sent out a ship to profit by Hudson's dis- 
coveries, by engaging in the fur trade with the natives, 
which led to the erection of trading-houses at Manhat- 
tan Island, and at the present site of Albany. ^^ 

These establishments of the Dutch, although probably 
not made at first with any permanent designs, conflict- 
ing as they did with the sovereignty claimed by England 
by virtue of Sebastian Cabot's discoveries in 1498, were 
not unheeded by the representatives of that power in 
America. Captain Samuel Argall, of Virginia, returning 
from an expedition against Acadia, undertaken for the 
purpose of dispossessing the French, visited the settle- 
ment at the mouth of the Hudson in November or De- 
cember, 1613, and obhged the inhabitants to recognize the 
authority of his sovereign, contribute towards the pay- 
ment of his expenses, and also to agree to pay a stipu- 
lated sum regularly to the governor of Virginia, under 
whom he was acting.^- But this submission seems to 
have been thrown off the following year, and further con- 
tributions to the coJfFers of the Virginia colony refused, on 
the arrival of Hendrick Christianse,'^ under a charter 

assigned. Hudson sailed from England '' Plantagenet's New Albion, 1648. 

in 1610, on a voyage to the northern Moulton'sN.Y., I.,Part 2, pp. 348, 349, 

seas, and met a horrible fate; being note. A difference of opinion has exist- 

abandoned in that inhospitable region by ed as to the time of this expedition ; but 

his mutinous crew. the date above given is without doubt 

'* De Laet. Lambrechtsen in N. Y. correct. See a paper by Mr. Folsom in 

Hist. Coll. 2d Series, Vol. I. Various N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Series, Vol. I. 

authors, as if the love of gain were not a '^ Heylin's Cosmography, Part 2, p. 3. 

sufTicient inducement for this and subse- Stith's Virginia, p. 133, quoted by Mr- 

quent voyages, have attributed this ex- Folsom ; and see Moulton, who discusses 

pedition to a purchase made of Hudson the events of this early period in a very 

of his right as discoverer. ( Vide Dr. Mil- critical manner. The arguments for a 

ler's Address. Harris's Coll. II. p. 280, longer continued submission to the Eng- 

&c.) It is generally conceded now, how- lish appear to be drawn from insufficient 

ever, that there is no foundation for the data. It is true that Oldmixon, Ogilby, 

story. Moulton's N. Y. Part 2, p. 336. and others, mention that permission was 



16M. 



ESTABLISHMEJVT OF THE DUTCH. 



obtained from the States-General, April 17, 1614, grant- 
ing to a company of merchants the exclusive right to 
make four voyages to the newly-discovered lands. '^ 
Christianse more perfectly explored Long Island Sound, 
with the shores of Rhode Island and Connecticut ; and 
by the erection of forts at Manhattan Island and Al- 
bany, the settlers considered themselves secure and con- 
firmed in their possessions ; and although complaints 
were subsequently made, through the minister of Charles 
I. at the Hague, of the disregard thus shown of the rights 
and authority of the king, yet no satisfaction was ob- 
tained, other than a disavowal on the part of the States- 
General of any participation in the proceedings of the 
merchants' company.^^ 



obtained from King James (as late as 
1620) by the Dutch Company, to erect 
some cottages here, for the convenience 
of their ships touching for water and pro- 
visions on their way to Brazil ; and 
Smith, in his Hist, of New York, goes so 
far as to locate them on Staten Island ; 
but Lambrechtsen, Moulton, and others, 
prove that there is no truth in these 
statements. The author conceived the 
greatest difficulty to be the fact (as stated 
by Plantagenet) that Virginia complain- 
ed not of the re-assumption of their in- 
dependence of her before 1G25, after the 
accession of Charles I., until an inspec- 
tion of the New York papers, recently 
placed within reach of the historian by 
the researches of Mr. Brodhead in the 
English archives, was afforded him. 
From them it appears that a complaint 
was made by the Priv7 Council, through 
Sir Dudley Carleton, ambassador at the 
Hague, under date of Dec. 15, 1621, of 
the settlement of the Dutch at New 
York the year previous ; and his an- 
swer, dated the following February 5th, 



conveys the information, that, although 
vessels had visited the country, he could 
not ascertain that any settlement had 
been effected. So little were the mother 
countries acquainted with the true po- 
sition of their American colonies ; and 
hence the apathy of the English govern- 
ment, which previously seemed unac- 
countable. Under date April 2, 1632, 
Capt. John Mason informs Mr. Secre- 
tary Coke, that the Dutch Minister, in 
answer apparently to a subsequent com- 
plaint, had disclaimed any participation 
by the United Provinces in the proceed- 
ings of the merchants. As late as 20th 
March, 1634-5, on the appearance of a 
Dutch vessel at Cowes, bound to Hud- 
son river, an order was issued not to 
stop the vessel, but to prevent the em- 
barkation of any Englishmen on board 
of her. 

>* Brodhead's Address, p. 16. 

^" Plantagenet's description of New 
Albion. N. Y. Colcni?l Records. Brod- 
head's Address, pp. 24, 25. 



g GRAIS'T OF NEW ALBION. [1634. 

The wars and internal commotions of England, or 
the apparently trivial import of the transaction as then 
considered, may have caused the indifference which seems 
to have been manifested at the continued occupation of 
the Dutch. The only measure adopted to effect their 
removal, was the issuing of a grant to Sir Edmund Ploy- 
den for the lands they occupied. 

This grant was dated June 21st, 1634, and conferred 
upon Sir Edmund and his associates the country between 
Cape May and Long Island Sound, extending forty 
leairues inland. This tract was erected into a free coun- 
ty palatine by the name of New Albion, and over it, 
with the title of "Earl Palatine," was Sir Edmund made 
governor ; he having, as it is stated, — although the fact 
may well be doubted, — " amply and copiously peopled the 
same with five hundred persons." '^ He, however, visited 



'* See the grant at length, in Hazard's 
Collection of State Papers, Vol. I. p. IfiO. 
The bounds were as follows : " All that 
entire island, near the Continent or Terra 
Firma of North Virginia, called the Isle 
of Ploicden, or Long Island, and lying 
near or between the thirty-ninth and 
fortieth degrees of north latitude, to- 
gether with part of the Continent, or 
Terra Firma aforesaid, near adjoining ; 
described to begin from the point of an 
angle of a certain promontory called 
Cape May, and from thence to the west- 
ward for the space oi forty leagues, run- 
ning by the river Delaware, and closely 
following its course by the north latitude 
unto a certain rivulet there, arising from 
a spring of the Lord Baltimore's in the 
lands of Maryland, and the summit 
aforesaid to the south, where it touches, 
joins, and determines in all its breadth ; 
from thence takes its course into a square 



leading to the north by a right line for 
the space of forty leagues, and from 
thence, likewise by a square, inclining 
towards the east in a right line, for the 
space of forty leagues, to the river and 
part of Readier Cod, and descends to a 
savannah, touching and including the 
top of Sandheey, where it determines ; 
and from thence towards the south by a 
square, stretching to a savannah, which 
passes by and washes the shores of the 
island of Ploivden aforesaid to the point 
of the promontory of Cape May, above 
mentioned, and terminates where it be- 
gan." Hazard was indebted to a pam- 
phlet mentioned in a following note for 
this grant. As governor, Sir Edmund 
was invested with powers and privileges 
similar to those employed by other pala- 
tines in England or America ; which 
were certainly sufficiently ample to satis- 
fy the most ambitious potentate. 



1634.1 GRANT OF NEW ALBION. 9 

his province, and resided therein seven years, exercising, 
it is said, his office as governor ; but, although he may 
have assumed, on paper, his rights as lord of the soil, by 
granting to various individuals large tracts of land,^^ it is 
doubted that his authority was ever established over the 
few inhabitants that then dwelt within the limits of his 
domain, excepting those who may have come over with 
him.'^ 

The only result of his presence and schemes, so far 
as the Dutch were affected, was an offer to dispose of 
their claim and improvements for £2,500 ; which not 
being accepted, they raised their demand to £7,000, and 
finally, became indifferent to any compromise, their esta- 
blishment in the country having become too permanently 
fixed to be easily broken up ;^^ for the States-General 

*^ Plantagenet's New Albion, p. 24. he adds, "He was never able to dispossess 

Hazard's State Papers, pp.169, 170. the Swedes." Were there any Swedes in 

Hazard gives one of these grants at Virginia? To answer some end of his 

length, and states that many other deeds own, Ployden may have reported himself 

concerning Albion are registered in St. from Virginia; but there seems to be little 

Mary's, Maryland. ground for doubt of his having been at 

*^ We find Plantagenet, in 1648, com- one period in the Delaware, and there is 
plaining of the settlements of the Swedes certainly no proof of more than one 
and Dutch within New Albion, and the voyage to America by him. 
adherence of the English settlers to '" All that can now be gathered of the 
them rather than to the authority of projects of Sir Edmund Ployden is con- 
the Earl Palatine. It is presumed that tained in the pamphlet, which has been 
the small settlement of English near quoted, entitled "A Description of the 
Salem, broken up by the Swedes and Province of New Albion, and a Direction 
Dutch in 1G41, comprised all the "sub- for Adventurers with small stock to "-et 
jects" the earl had in the province, two for one, and good land freely : And 
Winthrop, in his Journal [II. 325], men- for Gentlemen, and all Servants, Labour- 
lions the arrival at Boston in 1648 of Sir ers and Artificers, to live plentifully, &c. 
Edmund Ployden from Firginja, having, &c. Printed in the year 1648." This 
through the want of a pilot, entered the pamphlet purports to be the production 
Chesapeake instead of the Delaware; of "Beauchamp Plantagenet of Belvil, in 
and Mr. Bancroft (II. 296, 10th edit.). New Albion, Esquire, one of the Com- 
upon this passage of Winthrop's, asserts pany," whose manor of Belvil — "con- 
that Ployden's people " were absorbed in taining 10,000 acres, on a navigable river, 
the happy province of Virginia;" and yet having in it and near. Alabaster, Terras. 



10 WEST INDIA COMPANY CHARTERED. [1621 

having in 1621 granted a charter to those engaged in 
traffic with the New World, under the name of the 
"West India Company," the condition of the settlements 
on the Hudson was thereby materially improved ; the 
result, previously, having fallen far short of the anticipa- 
tions excited by the discovery of the country .^° 



for plaister of Paris, Pudding and Slat- 
stone, store of Timber, clear Fields, 
Meads and Woods, and no Indians neer, 
and Vines" — he had obtained under the 
province seal. It is dedicated " To the 
right honourable and mighty Lord Ed- 
mund, by Divine Providence Lord Pro- 
prietor, Earl Palatine, Governour and 
Captain-Generall of the Province of New 
Albion; and to the Right Honourable the 
Lord Vicount 31onson of Castlemain, 
the Lord Sherard Baron of Letrim : and 
to all others the Vicounts, Barons, Bar- 
onets, Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, 
Adventurers and Planters, of the hopeful 
Company of New Albion ; in all, 44 un- 
dertakers and subscribers, bound by In- 
denture to bring and settle 3000 able 
trained men in our said severall Planta- 
tions in the said Province." 

The object of the publication (which 
embodies two previously made in 1G37 
and 1G42,) was to induce emigration ; 
and it is evident from its pages that al- 
though the charter had been obtained 
fourteen years before, very little progress 
had been made in adding to the popula- 
tion of New Albion. It is written in 
such a bombastic style, and for the most 
part, with such an entire freedom from 
intelligibility, that it is a difilcult matter 
to draw the line between truth and fic- 
tion in its contents. As late as 1784- 
85, one Charles Vallo came to America 
as agent for the then Earl of Ployden, 
and put forth a pamphlet of thirty pages* 
containing the grant from Charles I., and 



two other documents, which Hazard 
deemed sufficiently authentic to be intro- 
duced into his Collection. Mr. John 
Pennington, of Philadelphia, however, in 
an ingeniously constructed article, con- 
tained in the memoirs of the Pennsyl- 
vania Hist. .Soc. [Vol. IV. Part I.], en- 
deavors to cast discredit if^on all the 
statements cf Plantagenet and the docu- 
ments of Vallo ; advancing enough of 
argument to render the question debate- 
able, without satisfactorily determining 
the facts of the case. Only two copies 
of Vallo's pamphlet are known to exist ; 
one, consulted by Mr. Pennington, which 
was in the possession of Vallo's legal ad- 
viser, the late Wm. Rawde, Esq., and the 
other, to which the author has had ac- 
cess, in the library of the Misses Ruther- 
furd, near Newark. 

The only copy of Plantagenet's 
pamphlet in America is in the Philadel- 
phia Library. It was reprinted in 1837 
by Peter Force of Washington, to whom 
American History is under many obliga- 
tions. For the htsi narrative of Ploy, 
den's attempt at settlement which the 
author has seen, the reader is referred to 
Mickle's " Reminiscences of Old Glou- 
cester." More or less of conjecture 
must be exercised, however, in all en- 
deavors to clothe his project with the 
garb of history. The author has given 
in the text only such particulars as he 
considered well established. 

^^ Lambrechtsen, De Laet. Brod- 
head's Address. 



1638 J SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. j[ j 

But the newly chartered company did not confine its 
settlements to the Hudson. Immediately after renewing 
the charter, a number of settlers were sent out under 
Cornelius Jacobus Mey, to establish themselves on Dela- 
ware river. Mey coasted the continent as far north as 
Cape Cod; gave the name of "Port Mey" to New York 
bay f^ to Delaware bay, that of " New Port Mey," 
to its northern cape also the name of " Mey ;" and 
his christian name, " Cornelius," to its southern cape.^^ 
He built a fort for the protection of the colonists a few 
miles below the present city of Camden, and during some 
years, additions were made to their number, and the set- 
tlement prospered ; but in the latter part of 1632, the 
hostility of the natives led to the death of so many per- 
sons, that the survivors were discouraged, and returned 
to Holland, leaving the Delaware once more in the un- 
disturbed possession of the original inhabitants.-^ 

At what period the Swedes first arrived at the Dela- 
ware, is somewhat uncertain. It is probable, however, 
that it was not until 1638, although the project had been 
broached, and considerable attention bestowed upon it, 
prior to the death of Gustavus Adolphus, in 1632.^^ 

Notwithstanding a remonstrance from the Dutch Go- 
vernor at New Amsterdam, forts and settlements were 

*' This was called, at one time, " Go- the materials then known would allow ; 

dyn's Port," after another Dutch naviga- but the New York Colonial Documents, 

tor and landholder. obtained from Holland, have placed new 

** Watson's Philadelphia Annals, materials at the disposal of the historian. 

Gordon's N. J. Gape Henlopen, farther Plantagenet (reprint, p. 19), writing in 

south, was named after a navigator called 1648, accuses the Dutch of having, eight 

Jelmer Hinlopen. years before, introduced the Swedes 

" Gordon's New Jersey, p. 9. themselves, by landing forty Swedish sol- 

** Gordon'sNew Jersey, 10, 11. This diers in Delaware bay, brought from the 

work contains a full, yet succinct ac- West Indies ; and, see Mickle'sRemin- 

count of the history of this period, com- iscences, p. 6. 
piled with care and accuracy, so far as 



12 GOVERNMENT OF NEW NETHERLANDS. [1655. 

established at different points ; but the scope of our pre- 
sent inquiries renders unnecessary any particular exami- 
nation of the history of the colony. Although them- 
selves at variance, the Dutch and Swedes, about 1641, 
united to break up a small settlement of English, located 
near the present site of Salem, which, with one or two 
other companies, subsequently dispossessed, it is pre- 
sumed, constituted the whole of Sir Edmund Ployden's 
colony ; and the removal of iheir common enemy thus 
effected, they were left at full liberty to cultivate their 
mutual ill will. Encroachments by both parties led, 
finally, to an expedition from New York, in September, 
1655, under Governor Stuyvesant, which resulted in the 
complete overthrow of the Swedish power, without the 
shedding of blood. 

The authority of the Dutch was thus established over 
the entire country, between Delaware bay and New 
England, which had previously received from them the 
title of Nova Belgia or New Netherlands. The Gover- 
nors, ruling in the name of " Their High Mightinesses 
the States-General and the privileged West India Com- 
pany," resided at New Amsterdam, and Lieutenant- 
Governors administered the affairs of the settlements on 
Delaware river, which were for a long time known as 
the " three lower counties." 

The description given of the New Netherlands, (or 
New Albion, as it was called by the English,) emanat- 
ing, as they did, from those who were interested in the 
soil, have to be received with some caution. It was 
to be presumed, that many of the inhabitants of the 
old world, although they might be suffering oppres- 
sion, persecution, and poverty, required some assur- 
ances and inducements to bring them to the wilds of 



1655.1 DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. I3 

America other than the mere escape from the evils under 
which they labored. Writers were, consequently, well 
disposed to adopt exaggerated statements, or draw upon 
their imaginations for facts, that might people the coun- 
try with those who looked for an increase of prosperity 
and happiness. Every thing was made to wear the 
brightest aspect ; advantages were magnified, and evils 
slightly touched upon, or placed entirely out of view ; 
the sober truths of reality affording frequently but a 
slight foundation for the massive superstructures built 
upon them. 

" If there be any terrestrial happiness," says one, 
" to be had by any people, especially of an inferior rank, 
it must certainly be here." And he expatiates upon the 
abundance of land, and the ease with which it can be 
obtained.^^ Another describes the country as " full of 
stately oaks, whose broad-branched tops serve for no 
other use but to keep off the sun's heat from the wild 
beasts of the wilderness: where is grass as high as a 
man's middle, which serves for no other end except to 
maintain the elks and deer, who never devour a hun- 
dredth part of it, then to be burnt every spring to make 
way for more. How many poor people in the world 
would think themselves happy had they an acre or two 
of land, whilst here is hundreds, nay, thousands of acres 
that would invite inhabitants." The woods are repre- 
sented as " furnished with fresh ponds, brooks, or rivers, 
where all sorts of cattle, during the heat of the day, do 
quench their thirst and cool themselves ;" their surface 
being overshadowed by intermingling boughs and ten- 
drils of trees and vines that ornamented their banks. 

'^ Quoted in Ogilby's America, p. illustrates the character of these de- 
182, without credit, from Denton's New scriptions, it is given entire in Note A, 
York, 1670. As the extract very well appended to this volume. 



14 DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. [1668. 

All kinds of wild beasts and fowl abounded, and ac- 
counts are given of some of them, rivalling the fabulous 
tales of antiquity. Man had an interest in them all, for 
he could hunt them at pleasure, and furnish his house 
with " excellent fat venison, turkies, geese, heath-hens, 
cranes, swans, ducks, pigeons, and the like;" and when 
wearied with hunting, he might supply himself with an 
equal abundance of fish. Want and sickness were un- 
known. Several kinds of fruits introduced from Europe 
are said to thrive better than in their native soil ; and 
the wild fruits of the country were in great profusion.-'' 

New Albion is said to be " scituate in the best and 
same temper, and as Italy, between too cold Germany 
and too hot Barbary : so, this lying just midw ay between 
New England, 200 miles North, and Virginia, 150 miles 
South, is freed from the extreme cold and barrennesse of 
the one, and heat and aguish Marshes of the other, and 
is like Lombardy, and a rich, fat soil, plain, and having 
34 rivers on the main land, 17 great Isles, and partaketh 
of the healthiest aire and most excellent commodities of 
Europe." Some of these are specified, such as ship 
timber of different kinds, mulberries, sweet cypress, and 
other woods, four sorts of grapes, and "the greatest va- 
riety of choice fruits;" among those enumerated being 
"wild cherries, pine apples (or some fruit which they 
chose thus to designate), and "the dainty parsimenas" 
[persimmon]. The country is said to be stored with all 
kinds of corn, silk-grass, salt, good wines, and dyers' 
ware ; the uplands being covered many months with 
berries, roots, chcsnuts and walnuts ; and the " many 



'" Ogilby, 180-182. Part of the language, however, is that of Denton's, who 
was evidently Ogilby 's authority. 



1670.1 DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. 15 

fair risiii2;s and prospects all green and verdant," arc 
dwelt upon in the true spirit of a lover of nature."' 

Staten Island is said to " contain tin, and store of 
iron ore, and the calamine stone." " On the north side 
of this island," says Ogilby, ^^ after Skull River-^ puts into 
the main land, on the west side w4iereof there are two 
or three towns, but on the east side but one.^^ There 
are very great marshes or meadows on both sides of 
it, excellent good land, and good convenience for the 
settling of several towns. There grows black walnut 
and locust as there doth in Virginia, with mighty tall 
straight timber, as good as in the north of America." 

" Both sides of the Raritan," it is said, " are adorned 
with spacious meadows, enough to feed thousands of 
cattle. The woodland is very good for corn, and stored 
with wild beasts, as deer, elks, and an innumerable mul- 
titude of fowl, as in other parts of the country. This 
river is thought very capable for the erecting of several 
towns and villages on each side of it ; no place in the 
north of America having better convenience for the main- 
taining of all sorts of cattle for winter and summer food. 
Upon this river is no town settled, only one at the mouth 
of it; but next to it westward [eastw^ard .'^], is a place 

^^Descriptionof New Albion (reprint), for the same reason, probably, that the 

p. 20. towns were so called, and not as a dis- 

^^ The towns in New Jersey, when tinctive appellation. The name, cor- 

referred to in the Dutch Records, are rupted to " Arthur KuU," is now borne 

designated as " Achter Kol," translated by the sound between New Jersey and 

by Vandcrkemp, " Behind Kol" or back Staten Island. 

of the kill separating Staten Island from ^^ Ogilby's book was printed in 1671 ; 
the main land. The river referred to by these towns may have been Netcark and 
Ogilby is presumed to be the brook divid- Elizabetfitown, on the west, and .Ber- 
ing the townships of Newark and Eliza- gen, on the east. The one afterwards 
bethtown, or the Passaic ; for on refer- mentioned, as at the mouth of the Rari- 
ence to the early maps of the country, a tan river, was probably Woodhridgp. 
stream so situated is called "Achter Kol," 



16 SETTLEMENT OF BERGEN. [1618. 

called Newasons,^° where are two or three towns and vil- 
lages settled upon the sea-side, but none betwixt that and 
Delaware bay, which is about sixty miles ; all which is a 
rich champagne country, free from stones and indifferent 
level, having store of excellent good timber, and very 
well watered, having brooks or rivers, ordinarily one or 
more, in every mile's travel. This country is peopled 
only with wild beasts, as deer, elks, bears, and other 
creatures, so that in a whole day's journey, you shall 
meet with no inhabitants except a few Indians." These 
are represented as exceedingly hospitable ; affording the 
traveller the best entertainment in their power.^^ 

Plantations on the western side of the bay were soon 
established, after the settlement of the Dutch at New 
Amsterdam. The first village was Bergen, commenced 
about the year 1618 ; but for some time thereafter pro- 
bably a mere trading-place for the Indians The village 
was formed of the houses of the surrounding planters, 
placed near each other for mutual protection, while their 
farms were scattered through the adjoining country.^- 
Still, in that section of the state are numerous descend- 
ants of the race that thus first entered upon the culti- 
vation of the wilderness, occupying the same grounds, 

^^ Newasons, intended, probably, for jecture, as asserted by Bancroft. The 

Navesink : and the settlements, the em- village received its first sheriff in 1661 ; 

bryo towns of Shrewsbury, Middletown, and a " Subaltern Bench of Justice" was 

&,c. then established, composed of that office 

^' Denton's Description of New York, and two schepins. Steps were taken 

1670. that year also for the erection of a saw 

3' Moulton's N. Y., Part l,p.347, and Jtiill ; and in 1662, a well was ordered 

note. Smith's N. J. p. 61 ; a few Nor- to be dug, and 417 guilders subscribed to 

wegians or Danes are thought by Smith wards the erection of a church. In 166 

to have been concerned with the Dutch a blockhouse was ordered to be built 

in the original settlement : the name of Albany Records, Vol. XIX, 273,275, to 

Bergen being derived from the capital of 282, 370. Vol. XX. pp. 50, 280. Vol 

Norway; but this may have been con- XXII. 



1630.] PAVONIA. 17 

and possessing many of the peculiarities of habits and 
character which marked their ancestors. 

To excite individual enterprise and induce emigration 
to the New Netherlands, the West India Company 
made grants of large tracts of land to such persons as 
would stipulate to establish colonies upon them within a 
certain time. Among these " Patroons," as they were 
styled, was Michael Pauw,^^ who purchased Matanucke, 
now Staten Island, from the Indians, by deed, dated 
August 10th, 1630,^^ and also secured an interest, subse- 
quently, in the lands along the western shore of the bay ; 
a tract, which from him took the name of Pavonia at an 
early period, but by which it has long ceased to be dis- 
tinguished.^^ From the position assigned to it in the 



'^ Dunlap.in hisHist. of N. York, sug- 
gests that the little village " Communi- 
paw," on New York bay, which retains 
many of the primitive characteristics of 
the Dutch, may have owed its name to 
the junction of the words Commune and 
PauiD — indicating the commune or com- 
munity established by the patroon ; but 
the word is more probably an Indian one, 
for in the East Jersey Records, when first 
noticed, the place is called " Gamoune- 
pan," and " Comounepan." The ter- 
mination pau is probably of modern 
origin. 

'* Elizabelhtown Bill in Chancery, 5. 
Moulton, [Vol. I. p. 402,] quoting 
" Dutch Records, Book G. G.," says this 
deed was dated July 15th, 1631. The 
Bill in Chancery quotes " Dutch Re- 
cords, A, p. 6." Probably the date given 
by Moulton is that. of the confirmation 
of the purchase by the Director-General 
and Council. The island, however, must 
aeon have reverted to the Company, or 
the purchase have been made for them ; 



for De Vries, in his Journal, under date 
of Aug. 13th, 1636, says, " I requested 
Wouter Van Twiller to put down Stafen 
Island to my name, intending to found a 
colony there, which was granted." He 
founded the colony in January, 1639 ; but 
in September, 1641, his people were kill- 
ed by the Indians, and the settlement 
broken up. Schoolcraft gives Manock- 
nong as the true Indian name of Staten 
Island. 

*5 Moulton [p. 402, Vol. T.] quoting the 
same authority as above, gives as the 
limits of this grant, " Ahasimus, and the 
island Hoeren Hoeck, stretching along 
the river Mauritius and island Manhatas 
on the east side, and the island Hohoken 
Hackingh on the north side, surrounded 
by marshes, serving sufficiently for dis- 
tinct boundaries." This was in 1640. 
De Vries asserts [N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d 
Ser. Vol. I.] that the reason for Pauw's 
selection of this tract, was the like ap- 
propriation by other patroons of the lands 
around Fort Orange. It is doubtful, how- 



IQ PAULUS HOOK. [1650. 

oldest maps, it was probably the appellation of a large 
district, including the settlement at Bergen. Although 
thus early selected for plantations, there does not appear 
to have been any extensive cultivation of the soil or ma- 
terial addition to the number of the colonists immediately 
consequent thereupon. On the contrary, when William 
Kieft arrived in 1638, as Director-General of the Com- 
pany's interests, he found many of the farms and settle- 
ments far from being in a flourishing condition f^ and 
such is presumed to have been peculiarly the case with 
those west of the bay, although afterward they seem to 
have attracted more attention and secured a greater 
amount of the colonists' care. 

Soon after Kieft's arrival we find him in possession 
of a farm described as " a lot of land called Paulus 
Hoeck, situated to the west of the island of Manhattan, 
east from Ahaslmus on the North river, to the valley 
which borders on it" — which he subsequently sells to 
Abraham Isaacsen Plank for a sum equal to seventy-five 
pounds sterling.^^ This is the first application of the 
name Paulus Hoeck to the peninsula which is so desig- 
nated at the present day, with a slight alteration in the 
orthography. The Indian name was Arissheck. On 

ever, if his title to this tract was ever derives Pavonia from " Pavo," the La- 

fully established : he does not appear to tin for Panw ; meaning peacock, 

have improved it ; and in 1638 we find "^New York Hist. Coll., 2d Ser. Vol. 

a portion of it in possession of Gov. Van I. 279. 

Twiller, and in 1659 the whole country, ^7 fj^jg g^jg y,^^ confirmed by Gov. 

through to the Hackinsack. Moulton Carteret in a grant to Plank, May 20, 

says [Vol. I. p. 420] it reverted to the 1668, E. J. Records, B. 36. Dunlap'sN. 

Company either by concession or com- Y., I. 59. It was in Plank's possession 

pulsion. In 1633, De Vries mentions his in 1643, as in that year he transferred it 

going to Pavonia, and being well received to two individuals as security for bail 

by an officer of the Company ; showing entered for him. Albany Records, Vol. 

the existence of some kind of a settle. HI. 
ment there at that time. Mr. Folsom 



1651.] HERMAN'S PURCHASE. I9 

the 11th May, 1647, Marjn Adrianse received a grant 
for a tract of land called Weehawken.^^ 

On the 5th of August, 1650, the lands " at the south 
side in the bay of the North river" were purchased of 
the Indians in behalf of Heer Lubertus Vandinclage, 
Deputy Director of the New Netherlands, by the deliv- 
ery of sundry goods valued at 193 guilders ;^^ and the 
following year (December 6, 1651), Augustine Herman 
purchased a vast tract, which included all the land from 
" the mouth of the Raritan Creek westerly up unto a 
creek, Mankackkewachky,'^^ which runs Northwest up into 
the country, and then from the Raritan Creek aforesaid 
northerly up along the River behind States Isle, unto the 
Creek, namely, from the Raritan Point, called Ompoge,'^^ 
unto Pechciesse,'^^ the aforesaid creek, and so the said 
creek Pechciesse up to the very head of it, and from 
thence direct westerly thorowe the Land untill it meets 
with the aforesaid Creek and Meadow Ground called 
Mankackkewachky aforesaid." Subsequently Herman 



'" This was confirmed by Carteret, ^"^ The creek Pechciesse was thought 
April 18, 1670. to have been the Passaic river, but fol- 
^ E. J. Records, B. 7. The articles lowing that river would include a much 
were as follows : — greater quantity of land than the In- 
" First of good Stringed Warn- dians intended to grant. It was one of 
pen, - - . gl. 98.15 the points of controversy in the Eliza- 
Eleven Ells of Duffield, at 4 gl. 44 bethtown suit in chancery. It was ac- 
5 hatchets at 2 g. 10 st. a ps. 12.10 knowledged that the natives did not 
21 1 lbs. of kettles, at 30 stiv. 52.05 intend to sell beyond the " Minisink 
4 skifs, at 10 sts., - - 2.00 Path," which crossed the Raritan three 
For bread, Indian Corn, and or four miles above Amboy, pursuing a 
other small matters, 4.00 northwesterly course towards Minisink 
island, in the Delaware river, near the 

A c iccn,. ' northwestterminationof the State. See 

Aug. 5, 1650." 

.a iiri. » , J ,, r. ■ Stair's Bill. Letter from a Gentleman 

*" What are now termed " Rantan _ 
n . -MI 1 „ in New Brunswick to his Friend in Eli- 
Great Meadows. « t^ t ti 

-, rri, ■ ■ c .^ /I 7 zabethtown, folio, 1752. E. J. Re- 

*' 1 he ongm oi the name Jimho, 

whence the modern Amboy is derived. ' v- 



20 SETTLEMENTS WEST OF NEW YORK BAY. [1659. 

also purchased a tract of land called " Kehackanick wa- 
konaback," on the south side of the Raritan, " opposite 
to Staten Island ;"^^ but there is no evidence of any set- 
tlement by him of either of these tracts. Herman re- 
moved from New York to some place on the Delaware, 
where he died."** 

The several plantations that had been located on the 
western side of the bay, at " Gemeenepan " were aban- 
doned about the close of 1651, and not until 1661 were 
they re-peopled. Lots of ground were then ordered to be 
laid out, and a ferry to New Amsterdam was established.*^ 
In the mean time (January 30th, 1658-9), the Indians 
had sold to " the noble Lord Director General, Pieter 
Stuyvesant, and Council of New Netherlandt," a tract 
lying on the west side of the North river, " beginning 
from the great Clip above Wiehachan and from there 
right thorough the land until above the Island Sikakes,"*^ 
and therefrom thence to the Kill Van Coll, and so alongdt 
to the Constable's hoeck,*^ and from the Constable's 
hoeck again to the aforesaid Clip above Wiehachan."*^ 

*' E. J. Records, B. 6. On 16lh Nov. which grew well, and yielded much." 

1666, Governor Carteret gave him per- Casparus Herman was member of the 

mission to manure and possess this tract, Pennsylvania Assembly, from New Cas- 

" provided he makes good his purchase tie, in 1683 and 1684. 

from the Indians." *' Albany Records, XIV. 27 ; XIX. 

** Answer to Stair's Bill, 8. The 35, 36, 437 ; XXIV, 398. In 1662 the 

same authority states that Herman had ferryman complained that the authorities 

several sons, and one of them, Ephraim, of Bergen had authorized the inhabitants 

held several offices in Delaware under to " ferry themselves over whenever they 

the English government. He was " a pleased," to the great detriment of his 

man of note," as well as his brother monopoly. 

Casparus, and they " had divers tracts *^ Now Secaucus, a ridge of upland 

of land granted to them." Vanderdonck having Snake hill at its southern termi- 

says, "Augustine Heerman, who is a cu- nation; called an island still, from its 

rious man, and i lover of the country, being surrounded by salt meadows, 

made an experiment near New Amster- '*^ Now Bergen Point, 

dam, where he planted Indigo seed, *^ These are the bounds as given in 



1663.] SETTLEMENTS WEST OF NEW YORK BAY. oi 

These bounds, it will be observed, include all the lands 
sold to Michael Pauw in 1630 : from which it is ars^ued, 
that before this, his title had reverted to the West India 
Company ; which, by this deed, increased its interest 
by the addition of new lands to those already held. In 
consideration for this tract, which extended from the 
Hackensack to the North river, the Indians received 
from their white neighbours, 80 fathoms of wampum, 20 
fathoms of cloth, 12 brass kettles, 6 guns, 2 blankets, 1 
double brass kettle, and 1 half-barrel of strong beer ; and 
they agreed to remove the first opportunity. A com- 
pensation sufficiently trifling under any circumstances ; 
but considering that Bergen had been settled more than 
twenty years, it is remarkable that intercourse with the 
traders had not rendered the natives less liable to be 
captivated by the articles used in traffic with them, 
and more observant of the value set upon them by the 
whites in comparison with the lands they coveted. 

On 5th February, 1663, Nicholas Verlett received a 
grant from Gov. Stuyvesant for a tract called Hobuk. 

The grants and j^urchases which have been here 
enumerated, appear to be all that were included within 
the present limits of East Jersey, made prior to the sur- 
render of the New Netherlands to the English."*^ These, 
it will be observed, were confined exclusively to the 
Dutch ; for so long as the country remained under their 

E. J. Records, Lib. L p. 3. In Van- tinued to be occupied notwithstanding 

derkemp's translation in the Albany the difficulties with the Indians, and 

Records, XIV. p. 82, we have " Kill 0/ other impediments. Persons are men- 

the Col," "Con Staples' Corner" (probably tioiied as of " Aquackenack," in 1 640. 
the name of some individual there set- *^ The Albany Records (Vol. VIII. 

tied), and the word " Rock" instead of p. 27) contain a letter from the Heer 

Clip. There had been sites selected for Werkhoven to Baron Vander Capellen, 

plantations in various quarters of this stating that the lands about Neversink 

tract, and some of them may have con- and Raritan's Kill had been purchased 



22 DISSENSIONS WITH CONNECTICUT. [1663. 

domination, obstacles were thrown in the way of settle- 
ment by others ; applications for land from residents in 
New England not being granted upon the desired terms,^" 
and even an inspection of the soil and intercourse with 
the natives objected to.^^ 

The claim of England to nearly the whole continent 
of America, by virtue of Cabot's discoveries, although 
preferred on grounds which, according to the theories then 
prevailing, gave her a sufficient title, had long remained 
dormant ; so that the occupancy of the Dutch had be- 
come firmly established. The settlers of New England, 
however, commenced at an early period to make en- 
croachments upon lands conceived to be within the limits 
of New Netherlands, and to assert their right to the soil, 
leading to various disputes and negotiations. The cool- 
ness and pertinacity of their neighbours of New Amster- 
dam added to their animosity, and they finally applied 
to the Government at home for its interference and as- 
sistance. No efficient results were produced by applica- 
tions to the Protector Cromwell or his brother Richard ; 
but Charles II., entertaining a strong dislike to the 
Dutch, was easily induced to countenance the complaints 
of his North American subjects, and although at peace 
with the States-General, to enforce his right to the pro- 
vince of New Netherlands.^^ 

To carry out this purpose, on the 12th of March, 
1663-4,^ a charter was granted to His Royal Highness, 

for him in 1649, and complaining that a party of English exploring the Rari- 

theyhadnot been allotted to him. There tan; which, having never been printed, 

is no proof that it was ever done. is given at length in Note B. 

«> See Note D. ^^ Gordon's New Jersey, 20. Dun- 

*' The Albany Records [Vol. XXI. lap's New York, I. chap. 6. 
p. 431] contain an account of a " voy- ^' N. Jersey Grants and Concessions, 

age to Navesink" in 16G3, to look after Smith's New York. Douglas' Summary, 



1664.1 GRANT TO THE DUKE OF YORK. 23 

James, Duke of York and Albany, Charles' brother, 
for all the lands lying between the western side of Con- 
necticut river, and the east side of Delaware bay, inclu- 
ding Long Island, Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, and the 
islands in their vicinity : — and in April, a fleet was de- 
spatched, consisting of two vessels of fifty guns each, and 
one of forty guns, having on board 600 soldiers, besides 
a full complement of sailors, to put the duke in posses- 
sion by ejecting the Dutch. This was done without 
difficulty, for they w ere little prepared in a time of peace 
to resist such a hostile force. 

The expedition was commanded by Colonel Richard 
Nicholls, upon whom the government of the province 
had been conferred by the Duke of York, and he ar- 
rived at New Amsterdam on the 28th of August. The 
surrender took place on September 3d, — the fort became 
Fort James, and the province, New York, On the 24th, 
Fort Orange surrendered; the name of Albany, the 
duke's Scottish title, was conferred upon it; and early 
in October, the settlements on the Delaware capitulated 
to Sir Robert Carr, who, with two vessels, had proceeded 
thither from New York.^^ The terms granted the Dutch 
were so favourable that they generally remained and be- 
came subjects of Great Britain ; a circumstance to which 
may be attributed the existence in New York and New- 
Jersey at the present day, of a large number of families 
tracing their descent from a Dutch ancestry. 

&c. Smith's New Jersey, followed by planters, so that the small garrison in 

Gordon's New Jersey, gives the 20th as the fort was left without external aid., 

the date ; but that is an error. Some resistance was made, nevertheless, 

** Smith's New York. Smith's New and thirteen of their number wounded > 

Jersey, 35. Dunlap's New York, I. before they capitulated. See Carr's let- 

115. Carr, very wisely, first treated ter in New York Colonial Records, un- 

with the Swedes, and then with the Dutch der date of 13th October, 1664. 



24 INDIANS. [1667. 

This violent seizure of the New Netherlands, as might 
have been expected, and probably hoped for by Charles, 
brought on a war with Holland ; but by the treaty of 
Breda, in 1667, peace was restored, and the possession 
of New York confirmed to the English. 

Although the Hollanders had, as the pioneers of 
civilization, done much to develope the resources and 
advantages of East Jersey, yet their occupation of the 
country during the long period of fifty years does not 
appear to have resulted in any thing like a proportion- 
ate cultivation of the soil or increase of population. 
This was owing, probably, in the main to a want of 
systematic energy, perseverance, and unity of action in 
the chief men of the province ; but another reason may 
be found in the collisions with the Indians, which have 
been incidentally mentioned. 

It is stated in a publication bearing date 1648, that 
the natives in this section of the continent were under 
the dominion of about twenty kings ; that there were 
' twelve hundred under the two Raritan kings on the 
north side next to Hudson's river, and those came down 
to the ocean about little Egg-bay and Sandy Barnegate ; 
and about the South Cape two small kings, of forty men 
apiece, and a third reduced to fourteen men at Rey- 
mont.'^^ So that there were probably not more than two 

** Description of New Albion, orig. entrance, easily made invincible, where 

edit., p. 22. The seat of the Raritan he keeps two hundred for his guards, 

king is said to have been called by the and under is a flat valley, all plain to 

English Mount Ployden, "twenty miles plant and sow." The writer is at a loss 

from Sandhay Sea, and ninety from to locate this " mount" and " retired 

the ocean, next to Amara hill, the re- paradise," if such actually existed, save 

tired paradise of the children of the in the imagination of "Beauchamp Pian- 

Ethiopean emperor ; a wonder, for it is tagenet, Esq.," as he knows of no place 

a square rock two miles compass, 150 answering the description, 
feet high, a wall-like precipice, a strait 



1640.] INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 05 

thousand within the province while it was under the 
domination of the Dutch. On early maps of New Jer- 
sey, an Indian path is designated running from the mouth 
of Shrewsbury river in a northwesterly direction, crossing 
the Raritan a little to the westward of Amboy, and 
thence in a northerly direction to Minisink island in the 
Delaware river, near the northern boundary of the State : 
this was probably their great thoroughfare. The Sanhi- 
cans, the deadly enemies of the Manhatae, but whom 
De Laet characterizes as a better and more decent peo- 
ple, inhabited that part of the province lying west of 
Staten Island, and farther south were the Naraticongs, 
Maravancons, and other branches of the great Delaware 
tribe. 

Of a peaceable disposition, excepting when exaspe- 
rated by the exactions or oppression of their white 
neighbours, the dangers and outrages which attended the 
colonization of some parts of the country, were here 
experienced in a much less degree. The first attack 
upon the Hollanders appears to have occurred on the 
Delaware in 1630, and was as unexpected as it was 
disastrous ; thirty-two of the settlers being murdered in 
revenge for the death of a chief, who fell a victim to the 
desire of some of his own race to propitiate the v^^hites 
for a trifling offence he had committed. ^^ 

In East Jersey the greatest harmony seems to have 
picvailed until, by the misconduct of the colonists, the 
anger of the natives was aroused. In 1640 an expedi- 
tion fitted out against those on the Raritan, — accused, 
though wrongfully, of having committed thefts and other 
trespasses — caused the maltreatment of some of the lead- 

*8 De Vries, N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Ser. Vol. I. pp. 251, 266. Gordon's N. J. p. 9- 



26 INDIAN HOSTILITIES. [1643. 

ing chiefs, and led the following year to retaliatory mea- 
sures upon the settlers of Staten Island, who were 
killed, and their plantations broken up.^"^ This matter, 
in conjunction with other murders committed by indi 
viduals, and the refusal or inability on the part of 
the Indians to secure the offenders, brought on general 
hostilities. 

The authorities of New Amsterdam, emulating the 
craft of their opponents, or fearful of creating too power- 
ful a combination among the natives, assiduously kept 
from them every intimation of the evil that was brewing ; 
and directed that the " kind intercourse and the trade in 
corn should be continued with them as before, till God's 
will and proper opportunity is offered. "^^ This opportu- 
nity came early in 1643. The Indians in the vicinity of 
Fort Orange (Albany), having commenced a war with 
their more southern brethren, Governor Kieft joined 
them ; and on the night of the 25th of February, a detach- 
ment of troops was sent over to Pavonia, and eighty In- 
dians were murdered in their sleep or in attempting to 
escape. " This was the feat," says De Vries, alluding 
to a remark which had been previously made by the go- 
vernor in relation to it, " worthy of the heroes of old 
Rome — to massacre a parcel of Indians in their sleep, to 
take the children from the breasts of their mothers, and 
to butcher them in the presence of their parents, and 
throw their mangled limbs into the fire or water ! Other 
sucklings had been fastened to little boards, and in this 
position they were cut in pieces ! Some were thrown 
into the river, and when the parents rushed in to save 
them, the soldiers prevented their landing, and let pa- 

" N. Y. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. pp. 263- ^^ N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Ser. Vol. I. 
264. p. 277. 



1643.1 INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 27 

rents and children drown." As the orders given to the 
officer commanding the expedition, as they appear on 
record, were " to spare as much as it is possible their 
wives and children, and to take the savages prisoners, "^^ 
we might attribute this cruelty entirely to the excited 
passions of the men, were we not told that for these ser- 
vices they were rewarded ; and that " the same night 
forty Indians were attacked in their sleep and murdered 
at Corlaer's Hook and at Corlaer's plantation."*'" Such 
a warfare could not fail to exasperate the natives, and so 
soon as they became aware that these massacres were 
by the whites, (for, from the secrecy observed, and the 
darkness of the night, they thought they had been at- 
tacked by their enemies, the Maquas,) they murdered in 
the country all the men they could find ; but, more hu- 
mane than their civilized opponents, spared the women 
and children. Houses and barns, grain and hay, were 
destroyed, and war waged for some days. In March, a 
a peace was concluded ; but the terms of the pacification 
were inadequate to remove from the minds of the In- 
dians the recollection of the grievous injuries sustained 
in the loss of fathers, mothers, children, relatives and 
friends, and consequently an opportunity was taken to 
renew the war by the capture of a guard of soldiers, 
and the destruction of the houses at Pavonia in October 
following.^^ The conflicts were of a more serious char- 
acter thereafter, and hostilities continued for some 
months. In March, the authorities of New Amsterdam 
proclaimed a solemn fast, to deprecate the anger of Je- 



°' N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2J Ser. Vol. I. p. only member of the council opposed to 

278. this warfare against the Indians. 

«» De Vries in N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d " N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Ser. Vol. I. 

Ser. Vol. I. p. 269. De Vries was the p. 272. 



28 VANDERDONCKS MAP. [1656. 

liovah, and in the course of the following year, peace 
was permanently restored ; giving the good burghers, 
who had fasted, an occasion also to rejoice on a day of 
public thanksgiving and praise, which was set apart for 
the purpose.*'- The collisions which subsequently en- 
sued, between this and the subjugation of the province 
by the English, were of less consequence, although they 
interfered materially with the comfort of the out-settlers.^^ 
As long as such was the case, we may not wonder at the 
slow progress made by the settlements in East Jersey. 



The Map facing the title, is from Vanderdonck's Map of the Ncav 
Netherlands (1656), which was the foundation of Ogilby's map (1671), 
and others published subsequently. Moulton, quoting Du Sumitiere in 
the Philadelphia Library, states that the first improved map of the New 
Netherlands was by Nicholas J. Vischer, published in Amsterdam an- 
terior to the appearance of Vanderdonck's. The State of New York, 
through her historical agent, has recently secured fac-similes of two very 
early maps ; one, giving a representation of the country bordering upon 
Hudson's river as known only a few years after the visit of its discov- 
erer, is represented ro be remarkably accurate ; the other is descriptive 
of the coast from Nova Scotia to the Capes of Virginia.^^ 

Trusting to these early delineations as giving the true courses of riv- 
ers, positions of settlements, and other localities, the old writers upon 
America formed their opinions, and gave their descriptions accordingly ; 
not having always the advantage of personal examination to test their 

^' N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2J Ser. Vol. I. p. had twenty children in their possession, 

278. for the recovery of whom, negotiations 

" The abandonment of the planta- were then pending. Albany Records, 

tions at Communipau in 1651, has been Vol. XL p. 325. Verlett at this time 

noticed ; and in 1656, Nicholas Verlett, also asks permission to transport to New 

of Hoboken, asks permission for si. x or Amsterdam from Hoboken a frame house 

eight soldiers for his defence ; but his re- which he had sold Michael Jansen for 

quest was denied for fear of a collision 230 guilders. 
with the Indians, who already, it is said' *■* Brodhead's Address, 16-18. 



I 



1656.] VANDERDONCK'S MAP. 29 

accuracy. Consequently topographical errors of great magnitude exist 
in some works, casting a shade of doubt over other portions which are 
deserving of credit. For example, Oldmixon says : " The river Esopus, 
between this province [New Jersey] and New York, flows into Hudson's 
river near Kingston ;" and Wynne, in his History, says : " West Jersey 
has an easy communication by the river Esopus with New York.''^ In- 
comprehensible statements, until we examine these early maps, on which 
we find that the Esopus river is represented as connecting the Delaware 
with the Hudson, affording an uninterrupted water communication. 
These instances exemplify sufficiently the service such maps are calcu- 
lated to render to those engaged in historical researches. 



PERIOD II. 



PROM THE SURRENDER OF THE COUNTRY TO THE ENGLISH, 
UNTIL THE SALE TO THE TWENTY-FOUR PROPRIETARIES. 

1664—1682. 

Before the Duke of York was actually in possession of 
his easily acquired territory, on the twenty-third and 
twenty-fourth of June, 1664, he executed deeds of lease 
and release to Lord John Berkeley, Baron of Stratton, and 
Sir George Carteret, of Saltrum in Devon,^ granting to 



' Sir John Berkeley commanded the 
army against the Scots in 1638, and 
was knighted at Berwick in that year. 
He bore a conspicuous part in the civil 
wars that followed, supporting the royal 
cause. He remained in exile with the 
royal family, in 1652 was placed at the 
head of the Duke of York's establish- 
ment, and in 1658 was raised to the 
peerage by the exiled monarch, as Baron 
Berkeley of Stratton, in the county of 
Somerset — the scene of one of his military 
triumphs. On the restoration, he be- 
came one of the privy council, and to- 
wards the close of 1669, lord lieutenant 
of Ireland. In 1675, he was appointed 
ambassador-extraordinary to Versailles, 
and died August twenty-eighth, 1678. 

Sir George Carteret had been a naval 
officer of high reputation, and, through 



the influence of the Duke of Bucking- 
ham, was appointed by Charles I. joint- 
governor of the Island of Jersey, and on 
the breaking out of the civil war, held 
the office of comptroller of the navy. 
He was much esteemed by all parties, 
and might have been a vice admiral un- 
der the parliament, had he not declined 
the appointment by the express com- 
mand of the king Having retired from 
the navy, he withdrew, with his family, 
to Jersey, but, subsequently, returned to 
aid the prospects of the royalists. He 
was created a baronet, May 9th, 1645. 
He again went back to his government 
in Jersey, and there, on the ruin of the 
royal cause, afforded an asylum to the 
Prince of Wales, and other refugees of 
distinction. After this, he defended the 
island in the most gallant manner against 



1664.1 GRANT TO LORD BERKELEY AND CARTERET. 31 

tliein, their heirs and assigns, all that portion of his tract 
" lying and being to the westward of Long Island and 
Manhitas Island, and bounded on the east part by the 
main sea, and part by Hudson's river, and hath upon the 
west, Delaware bay or river, and extending southward to 
the main ocean as far as Cape May, at the mouth of 
Delaware bay; and to the northward, as far as the 
northernmost branch of the said bay or river of Dela- 
ware, which is forty-one degrees and forty minutes of 
latitude, and crosseth over thence in a strait line to 
Hudson's river, in forty-one degrees of latitude ; which 
said tract of land is hereafter to be called by the name 
or names of New CcBsarea^ or New Jersey. '^''^ The 
name of " Caesarea" was conferred upon the tract in 



the Parliamentarians, as an ancestor had 
done before him against the French in 
1374, and ultimately surrendered at the 
command of Charles IL Elizabeth cas- 
tle, on the Island of Jersey, under Sir 
George, being the last fortress that low- 
ered the royal banner. At the restora- 
lion, Sir George formed one of the im- 
mediate train of the restored monarch 
on his triumphant entry into London ; 
and the next day he was sworn of the 
privy council. 

He was also declared vice chamber- 
lain, and in 1669, was expelled the 
House of Commons for misconduct in 
that capacity. He was also, at one time, 
treasurer of the navy. The following 
singular circumstance, connected with 
his trial, is given in Andrew Marvell's 
Letters, pp. 125, 126, London, 1832. On 
the question of Sir George's embezzle- 
ment of the public money, the house 
dividing, " the ayes went out, and won- 
dered why they were kept out so extra- 
ordinary a time ; the ayes proved 138, 



and the noes 129 ; and the reason of the 
long stay then appeared ! The tellers 
for the ayes chanced to be very ill reck- 
oners, so that they were forced to tell 
several times over in the house ; and, 
when, at last, the tellers for the ayes 
would have agreed the noes to be 142, 
the noes would needs say they were 143 5 
whereupon those for the ayes would tell 
once more, and then found the noes to 
be indeed but 129, and the ayes, then 
coming in, proved to be 138 ; whereas, if 
the noes had been content with the first 
error of the tellers, Sir George had been 
quit." He was afterwards returned to 
parliament by the corporation of Ports- 
mouth. He married Elizabeth, daughter 
of SirPhilip Carteret, of St. Oven. Both 
Carteret and Berkeley were already pro- 
prietors of Carolina. 

* New Jersey Grants and Concessions, 
p. 10. The original lease and release, 
are in the Rutherfurd collection of ori- 
ginal papers. 



32 GRANT TO LORD BERKELEY AND CARTERET. [1664. 

commemoration of the gallant defence of the Island of 
Jersey, in 1649, by Sir George Carteret, then its gover- 
nor, against the Parliamentarians ; but the people pre- 
ferred the English name of Neio Jersey, and the other 
was consequently soon lost. 

The grant of the Duke of York from the crown,^ 
conferred upon him, his heirs and assigns, among other 
rights appertaining thereto, that most important one of 
government ; the power of hearing and determining ap- 
peals being reserved to the king ; but, " relying," says 
Chalmers, " on the greatness of his connection, he seems 
to have been little solicitous to procure the royal privi- 
leges conferred on the proprietors of Maryland and Ca- 
rolina," whose charters conferred almost unlimited au- 
thority. " And while as counts-palatine they exercised 
every act of government in their own names, because 
they were invested with the ample powers possessed by 
the praetors of the Roman provinces, he ruled his terri- 
tory in the name of the king."^ In the transfer to 
Berkeley and Carteret, they, their heirs and assigns, were 
invested with all the powers conferred upon the duke, 
" in as full and ample manner" as he himself possessed 
them ; including, as was conceived, the right of govern- 
ment, although not expressly designated : thus transfer- 
ring, with the land, the allegiance and obedience of the 
inhabitants, in a way little in accordance with modern 
ideas of what constitute the just rights of mankind ; par- 
ticularly so, as the proprietaries seem to have regarded 
this assignment of government more as an absolute grant, 
uncontrollable by superior authority, rather than an in- 
vestiture of power, for the exercise of which they were 
to be held responsible. 

^ N. J. Grants and Concessions, p. 3. ■* Chalmers' Annals, 613. 



1565.1 '^^^ CONCESSIONS. 33 

Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, now sole 
proprietors of New Jersey, on the 10th February 1664,^ 
signed a constitution, which they made public under the 
title of " The Concessions and agreement of the Lords 
Proprietors of New Jersey, to and with all and every of 
the adventurers, and all such as shall settle and plant 
there." This document must ever possess great interest 
in the estimation of the citizens of New Jersey, contain- 
ing, as it does, the germ of those republican principles 
for which the state has ever been distinguished, and 
of many of the institutions which exist to the present 
time. " The Concessions," as this paper was generally 
called, were always looked to with respect by the peo- 
ple, being regarded as the great charter of their liberties, 
sacred and irrevocable, and therefore, of higher authority 
than the acts of their assembly, which were subject to 
repeal and alteration.® 

The government of the province was confided to a 
governor, and a council of advice and consent, of not 
less than six, nor more than twelve, to be chosen by the 
governor ; and an assembly of twelve representatives, to 
be chosen annually by the freemen of the province. The 
governor and council were invested with power to nomi- 
nate, commission, and remove all officers, — freeholders 
alone to be appointed to office, unless by consent of 
the assembly, — and to exercise a general supervision 
over all courts and the executors of the laws. They 
were to direct the manner of laying out the lands, and 



^ Gordon, copying Grahame's first menced with March, and that, conse- 

edition, pronounces this date " erro- quently, Pe6n/ary, 1664, instead of ^re- 

neous, unless we suppose the instrument ceding, was eleven inonths subsequent 

was prepared before the charter from the to the date of the duke's grant. 
King," forgetting that the year then com- * Chalmers' Annals, p. C15. 



34 THE CONCESSIONS. [1665 

were not to impose, nor suffer to be imposed, any tax 
upon the people not authorized by the general assembly. 
The assembly were authorized to pass laws for the 
good government of the province, which, with the appro- 
bation of the governor, were to remain in force for one 
year,'' within which time, they were to be submitted for 
the approval of the lords-proprietors ; to levy taxes, to 
create ports, to build forts, to raise militia, suppress 
rebellion, and make war, to naturalize strangers, and to 
apportion lands to settlers. Should occasion require, 
communications could be made by the representatives, 
touching the conduct of the governor and council or 
any other grievance, directly to the lords-proprietors. To 
encourage planters, every freeman who should embark 
with the first governor, or meet him on his arrival, pro- 
vided with a " good musket, bore twelve bullets to the 
pound, with bandeliers and match convenient, and with 
six months' provisions for himself," was promised one 
hundred and fifty acres of land, and the like number for 
every man-servant or slave, brought with hiin, provided 
with the same necessaries. To females over the age of 
fourteen, seventy-five acres were promised, and a similar 
number to every Christian servant, at the expiration of 
his or her term of service. Those going before the first 
of January, 1665-6, were to receive one hundred and 
twenty acres, if master, mistress, or able man-servant or 
slave ; and weaker servants, male or female, sixty acres. 
Those going during the third year, three-fourths, and 
during the Iburth year, one-half of these quantities.^ 



^ In the governor's instructions, this After approval, their duration was un- 
time was extended to one year and a limited, except by their own provisions, 
half. But the laws were required to be ** When we consider what public sen- 
transmitted within the year for approval, timent was, at the time, in relation to 



1665.1 THE CONCESSIONS. 35 

111 the laying out of towns and boroughs, the lands 
were to be divided into seven parts, one of which the 
pro[)rietaries reserved for themselves, the remainder was 
to be divided among the settlers thereon. For the lands 
thus granted, a yearly quit rent was to be paid, of not 
less than one half penny per acre ; the payment of which, 
however, was not to commence before the year 1670. 
Each parish was to receive two hundred acres for the use 
of its ministers. Liberty of conscience was guarantied to 
all becoming subjects of England, swearing allegiance 
to the king and faithfulness to the lords-proprietors, 
provided that liberty was not used " to licentiousness, 
to the civil injury, or outward disturbance of others ;" 
and the assembly of the province was authorized to ap- 
point as many ministers as they should think fit, and 
provide for their maintenance : — permission being given, 
at the same time, to any person or persons, to keep and 
maintain such ministers as they might prefer. Such 

slavery, there seems lo be unauthorized serviency to the duke's interest in the 

harshness in the rebuke of Lords Berke- African Company, was less their object 

ley and Carteret, in Bancroft's Hist. U. than the rapid translation of settlers and 

S., Vol. II. p. 316, ninth edit., where he laborers to their province. The grants 

says they, " more true to the prince" of land promised to such servants or 

[the Duke of York, President of the slaves as should embark with the gover- 

Royal African Co.] " than to humanity, nor, certainly could not have applied to 

offered a bounty of seventy-five acres such of the latter as were not then ac- 

for the importation of each able slave ;" tually held to service in England or 

particularly so, as by separating this Scotland ; and there is nothing to prove 

bounty from the others in the conces- that the grants for subsequent years had 

sions, an erroneous impression is con- reference to any other, but rather the re- 

veyed ; the proprietors being impliedly verse. Whether any slaves were ac- 

charged with encouraging a direct traffic tually brought to New Jersey under the 

in slaves. But that such was their inten- concessions is uncertain, but if so, they 

tion is very doubtful. The decrease in must have been few in number, and pro- 

the quantity of land, to those going after bably.none were directly imported from 

the first year, is an indication that sub- Africa for some years thereafter. 



36 PHILIP CARTERET APPOINTED GOVERNOR. [16G5. 

were the principal provisions of the fundamental consti- 
tution of the province.^ 

On the same day that this instrument was signed, 
Philip Carteret, a brother to Sir George, received a 
commission as governor of New Jersey, and instructions 
relative to the administration of the office. ^° Prepara- 
tions were immediately made for his departure with all 
such as were willing to accompany him to the western 
world. The ship Philip, having on board about thirty 
people, some of them servants, and laden with suitable 
commodities, sailed from England in the summer, and 
arrived in safety at the place now known as Elizabeth- 
town Point, or Elizabeth Port, in August of the same 
year. What circumstance led to the governor's selec- 
tion of this spot for his first settlement, is not now 
known, but it was, probably, the fact of its having been 
recently examined and approved of by others. He 
landed, and gave to his embryo town the name of Eli- 
zabeth^ after the lady of Sir George. ^^ 

The governor found at this place a settlement of four 
families already established, for the existence of which, 
it is necessary to account. 

The transfer of New Jersey to Berkeley and Carteret, 
was made subsequent to the departure of Colonel Ni- 
cholls from England, and no notification of it having 

^ For the document at length, see E. answer to the bill in chancery, p. 20, 

J. Records. Smith's N. J. p. 512. Grants deny that the place was named by 

and Concessions, p. 12. The original, a Carteret ; giving to the first settlers the 

parchment roll nearly nine feet in length, credit of naming it after " the renowned 

is in the possession of the New Jersey Queen Elizabeth." This was probably. 

Historical Society. however, an after thought, when the 

'"Grants and Concessions, pp. 26-31. proprietors and all to them belonging 

" Bill in Chancery, 28. Smith's were little regarded. 
N. J., 67. The defendants, in their 



1665.1 GRANT FROM GOV. NICHOLLS. 37 

been sent to him, lie believed the whole territory which 
had borne the name of New Netherlands, to be included 
within the limits of his government, for such were the 
provisions of his commission ;^^ and, having published 
" Conditions for new plantations," they were considered 
applicable as well to the portion composing New Jersey, 
as to the rest of the country granted to the duke. These 
conditions were of a liberal character,'^ and individuals 
from Long Island and New England, began to turn 
their attention towards the rich lands of East Jersey, so 
advantageously situated and susceptible of improvement 
at comparatively little cost. Governor Nicholls, himself, 
held them in high estimation, and conferred upon the 
territory the name of " Albania, "^^ after one of his 
master's titles. He regarded it as including " all the im- 
provable part" of the duke's grant, " preferable to all 
the remaining tracts" in many respects ; and on learning 
that it had been transferred to others, remonstrated 
strongly against the measure. ^^ 

On the twenty-eighth of October, 1664, John Bailey, 
Daniel Denton, and Luke Watson, under permission 
from Governor Nicholls, obtained from the Lidians, a 
deed for all the land " bounded on the South by a River 
commonly called the Raritan River, and on the East, by 
the River which parts Staten Island and the Maine, and 
to Run Northward up After Cull Baye, till we come to 
the first River, which setts Westward out of the Bay 
aforesaid, and to runn, Westward into the Country, twice 



" Grants and Concessions, 665. '^ Nicholls' Letter in New York Re- 

'* Smith's N. Y., I. p. 35. Answerto cords. Smith states that for some time, 

Bill in Chancery, p. 6. Grants and Con- " at first," it was called New Canary. 

cessions, 667. ** Chalmers' Annals, 624. See note C. 



38 ELIZABETHTOWN PURCHASE. [1665. 

the Length as it is Broad from the North to the South 
of the aforementioned bounds." ^^ 

The consideration receiv^ed by the Indians for this 
tract was "Twenty fathom of trayden Cloth, two made 
Cotes, two gunnes, two kettles, ten barres of Lead, twen- 
ty handfulls of Powder, foure hundred fathom of white 
wampom, or two hundred fathom of black wampom ;" 
the whole valued at £36 14fS" The grantees were 
Mattano, Manamowaone, and Cowescomen, of Staten 
Island, but the deed was only signed by Mattano. 
Governor Nicholls confirmed the grant on the second of 
December.'^ 

It will be observed, that the bounds of this purchase 
are similar to those of Augustine Herman's in 1651, and 
" unfortunately for his business character," as Gordon 
remarks, Mattano, in the conveyance to Herman, had 

'^ E. J. Records, B. 181. lished, in his own name, " A Brief De- 

" Bill in Chancery, p. 30. scription of New York, formerly called 

^'^ Bill in Chancery, pp. 25,26. Grants New Netherlands, with the places there- 

and Concessions, 669,673. The signers unto adjoining," &c., which has been 

to the application to Gov. Nicholls for quoted from in the foregoing pages. 

permission to purchase were John Bailey, Ogilby availed himself largely of Den- 

Daniel Denton, Thomafs Bemjdick, Na- ton's book, in the composition of his 

thaniel Denton, John Foster, and Luke large work on America, when treating 

Watson. The grant was confirmed to of this portion of the continent ; and 

Bailey and Watson, of Jamaica ; Capt. without acknowledgment. The work 

John Baker, of N. Y. ; John Ogden, of in the original editions is very rare, but 

Northampton, " and their associates." it has recently [1845] been reprinted in 

They say in their application, that they a pamphlet form, by the Historical Socie- 

had made some arrangements forplanting ty of Pennsylvania, and also, with notes, 

on Arthur CuU bay, in the time of the in New York. Denton was the oldest 

Dutch, but obstacles had been thrown in son of the Rev. Richard Denton, the 

their way. The Answer to the Bill, p. first minister at Hempstead, and came 

7, states that Baker and Ogden had with his father from Stamford, in 1644 ; 

bought Denton's interest. Denton him- he afterwards assisted in the settlement 

self, it is thought, returned to England, of Jamaica, and was a magistrate there, 

and remained there. In 1670, he pub- Thompson's Long Island, I. p. 80. 



1665.1 GRANT FOR MONMOUTH COUNTY. 39 

already parted with his right to the lands in question. ^^ 
But, as Bailey and his associates-" had acted with 
good faith in making the purchase, and had received 
the confirmation of Governor Nicholls, while yet unac- 
quainted with the fact that the country was no longer 
part of his government, or subject to his control ; they 
were not disposed to waive what rights they had thus 
acquired : and, for many years, the peace of the province 
was destroyed by the contention which ensued between 
them and their descendants, and those claiming under 
Berkeley and Carteret. The four families, found at 
Elizabethtown, by Carteret, were the pioneers of the 
Jamaica colony ; and, their claim to the soil does not 
seem to have prevented a harmonious co-operation with 
the governor in forwarding the prosperity of the new 
settlement. It is probable, that neither party anticipated 
the litigation that would ensue, or that, where vacant 
land was so plentiful and easy to be obtained, serious 
dissensions would arise respecting the occupancy of an 
inconsiderable portion, like the tract upon which they 
had entered.^' 

On 8th April, 1665, Governor Nicholls confirmed 

'^ His associate in the first deed was ernor from the first, and many of those 

Appiimanskoch, and they signed for who afterward became parties to the 

themselves, and in behalf of Memewun, suit in chancery, complied with the re- 

(the same, probably, as one of the gran- gulations of the proprietors for laying 

tors to the second deed) Warritschen, out their lands. In their answer to the 

Encklien, and Mechaoch. bill, p. 20, the defendants say — account- 

*" They claimed to be eighty in all ; ing for the unanimity which prevailed, 

but the proprietors assert, positively, in as noticed in the text — that, on the arrival 

all their publications, that there were not of Governor Carteret, he was informed 

more than the four families on the ground by the people he found at Elizabethtown 

when Carteret arrived : those that came of their right to the lands ; that he ap- 

subsequently, locating under the conces- proved of the same, and " went up from 

sions. the place of his landing to the town,car- 

" The Long Islanders appear to have rying a hoe on his shoulder, thereby in- 
acknowledged the authority of the gov- timating his intention of becoming a 



40 GRANT FOR MONMOUTH COUNTY. [1665. 

another purchase of lands lying near " Sandy Point" 
[Sandy Hook], to William Goulding (or Goulder), 
Samuel Spier (or Spicer), Richard Gibbons, Richard 
Stout,^^ James Grover, John Bound (or Bowne), John 
Tilton, Nathaniel Sylvester, William Reape, Walter 
Clark, Nicholas Davis, and Obadiah Holmes ; " be- 
ginning at Sandy Point aforesaid, and running along the 
bay, westward to the mouth of the Raritan river, thence 
along the said river to a point of the marsh land which 
divides the river into two parts, and from that point to 
run in a direct southwest line into the woods, twelve 
miles, and thence to turn away southeast and by south, 
till it falls into the southwest [southeast?] sea."^^ This 
grant led to the settlement of Middletown and Shrews- 
bury. It was disallowed by the Duke of York, as well 
as that of Elizabethtown -.^^ but on the 28th May, 1672, 
Governor Carteret and council, " upon the address of 
James Grover, John Bowne, Jonathan Holmes, Richard 
Hartshorne, John Hume, and James Ashton," confirmed 
the privileges which they and their associates had re- 
ceived from Governor Nicholls.^^ 

planter with them." A much more Hartshorne, in Smith's N. J., p. 63, 
likely cause for the unanimity that pre- note, that although these lands were 
vailed, is the probability mentioned in confirmed by Nicholls as having been 
the text. The magnitude of the inte- purchased of the Indians, such was 
rests at stake were not at first so well not the fact at the time. Harts- 
discerned, as they were subsequently, home, to prevent the destruction of his 
by either the governor or the first set- property, had to purchase his ground of 
tiers. See note D. the Indians after he became a settler. 

'^ From Smith's New Jersey, p. G5 ; The grantees were, principally, from the 

it is probable this was the progenitor west end of Long Island, and to Shrews- 

of most of the Stouts in New Jersey^ bury went, subsequently, several families 

and, see Trenton State Gazette, Dec. from New England. Smith's N. J., 

13, 1842. p. 62. 

^' Answer to Bill, p. 14. Grants and ^* Bill in Chancery, 35. 

Concessions, 661, &c. It would seem, ^^ These were — 1. To dispose of their 

from a letter or affidavit of Richard lands as they chose. 2. No one to be 



1666.1 GRANTS FOR WOODBRIDGE AND PISCATAWAY. 41 

Governor Carteret, so soon as he became establislicd 
at Elizabcthtown, sent messengers to New England and 
elsewhere, to publish the concessions of the proprietors 
and to invite settlers. In consequence of this invita- 
tion and the favorable terms offered, the province soon 
received large additions to its population ; Elizabethtown 
and the surrounding country receiving, probably, the 
greater portion, until other locations could be selected. 
The ship Philip, in which the governor had come from 
England, returned thither in about six months, and the 
next year brought out " more peojile and goods," on ac- 
count of the proprietaries ; and other vessels similarly 
laden, followed from time to time.^*" 

Governor Carteret and John Ogden, having pur- 
chased the individual claims of Denton and Bailey ,^^ they, 
in conjunction with Luke Watson, on the 21st May, 
1666, entered into an agreement with Daniel Pierce 
and his associates, for settling two townships ; and on 
the 11th December, 1666, in consideration of the sum 
of £80 sterling, they transferred to Pierce for that pur- 

obliged to support a clergyman. 3. All 663. Albany Records, XXII. 433,435, 

causes, not criminal in their nature, to 436. 

be heard within their cognizance, and ^^ Bill in chancery, p. 28. Douglas' 
no appeal to a higher court allowed Summary, 2, 268. Douglas says that 
where the sum at issue did not exceed Carteret made a visit to England six 
ten pounds. 4. Criminal cases and mat- months after his arrival. He gives no 
ters above ten pounds, to be determined in authority, and there seems to be no 
highercourts, and appeals to his majesty grounds for the assertion, 
not to be hindered. 5. The proprietors *'' Bill in Chancery, p. 29 ; E. J. Re- 
to have the right of nominating two per- cords, B. 182. This proceeding of Car- 
sons, one of whom, to be selected by the teret — purchasing an interest in the 
governor, to fill each commissioned of- Nicholls grant, probably with the expec- 
fice whether civil or military. 6. They tation, that at any time his purchase 
were authorized, together with the major might be confirmed by the proprietors — 
part of the settlers, to make such afforded a strong point in the defence of 
"prudential laws" among themselves the first settlers, inasmuch as they argued 
as they might deem necessary. Answer therefrom his acknowledgment of the 
to Bill, 14, 15. Grants and Concessions, justness of their claim. 



42 NEWARK PURCHASE. [1666. 

pose, one half of the tract " known as Arthur Cull or 
Amboyle," as originally granted by Governor Nicholls ; 
extending from the Raritan to Rahawack river, and run- 
ning back into the country according to the Indian 
deed.^^ This deed was confirmed by another of similar 
tenor, dated 3d December, 1667 ; on the back of which, 
Pierce endorsed the names of those interested with him 
in the grant " that is for the accommodating of the 
Towne now called Woodbridge ;" he to have the first 
choice. His associates were Joshua Pierce, John Pike, 
John Bishop, Henry Jaques, and Hugh March (or Marsh), 
of Newbury ; Stephen Kent, of Havahill ; Robert Den- 
nis, of Yarmouth, and John Smith, of Barnstable, in New 
England.^^ 

On the same day. Pierce was commissioned as depu- 
ty-surveyor, to lay out the bounds of Woodbridge, and 
the proportion of land belonging to each individual ; and 
on 1st June, 1669, he and his associates received a char- 
ter, which erected the tract of land therein described 
(said to contain six miles square) into a township, to 
consist of not less than sixty families.^" On the 18th 
December, 1666, a week after he had obtained his first 
conveyance. Pierce transferred to John Martin, Charles 
Oilman, Hugh Dunn, and Hopewell Hull, one-third part 
of the land he had thus acquired ; and they and their 
associates founded the town of Piscataway.^^ 

Newark was first settled in 1666, and on the 11th 
July, 1667, Obadiah Bruen, Michael Tompkins, Samuel 
Ketchcll, John Browne, and Robert Denison, purchased 

'* See Note E. February 19th, 1665-6, was to con- 

*^ E. J. Records, B. 182; and see sist of eighty families, jvy/c Bill in Ch. p. 

Note E. 32, and Answer to Bill, pp. 23, 24, for 

^° E. J. Records. Bill in Chancery, p. manner of apportioning lands there. 

31. See Note F. Elizabethtown, by a ^i jjjn j^ ci^ancery, p. 30. 

resolution, passed " at a meeting court," 



1667.] NEWARK PURCHASE. 43 

from the Indians^^ a tract of land "bounded and limited 
with the bay eastward, and the great river Pesayak 
northward ; the great creek, or river in the meadow, 
running to the head of the cove and from thence bear- 
ing a west line for the south bounds, which said great 
creek is commonly called and known by the name 
of Weequahick ; on the west line, backwards in the 
country to the foot of the great mountain," [by a sub- 
sequent deed, dated 13th March, 1677-8, the limits WT-re 
extended to the top of the mountain for two guns, three 
coats and thirteen cans of rum,] " called Watchung, 
being, as is judged, about seven or eight miles from Pe- 
sayak Towne. The said mountain, as we are informed, 
hath one branch of Elizabethtown river running near the 
above said foot of the mountain. The bounds northerly 
up Pesayak river, reach to the third river above the 
town. The river is called Yauntakah, and from 
thence, upon a northwest line to the aforesaid moun- 
tain." ^^ The consideration for which this tract, now so 
highly cultivated, and adorned with the snug cottage of 
the farmer, the splendid villa, the thriving village, and 
the increasing city, was relinquished by the Indians, 
consisted of fifty double-hands of powder, one hundred 
bars of lead, twenty axes, twenty coats, ten guns, 
twenty pistols, ten kettles, ten swords, four blankets, 
four barrels of beer, ten pair of breeches, fifty knives, 
twenty hoes, eight hundred and fifty fathom of wam- 
pum, twenty ankers of liquors, or something equivalent, 
and three troopers' coats.^* 

^' The grantors were WapamuJc, ^^ E. .T. Records, B. 68. 

Harish, Captamin, Sessom, Matnus- '^* The above is extracted from the 

tome, Peter, 1Vamesane,Wecaprokikan, deed as it appears on record ; but Gor- 

Cacnackque, Perawae. don, in his Gazetteer of the State, says 



44 TERMS OF SETTLEMENT AT NEWARK. [1666. 

The settlers of Newark were from the towns of Guil- 
ford, Brandford, Milford, and New Haven, in Connecti- 
cut. The visit of Governor Carteret's agents, and the 
proclamation of the " Concessions " of the lords-pro- 
prietors, had drawn the attention of the inhabitants of 
those towns to New Jersey, and persons were sent soon 
after to explore the country. Their report was of such 
a favorable character, particularly as related to the dis- 
trict " beyond the marshes lying to the north of Eliza- 
bethtown," that arrangements were immediately made 
for the foundation of a settlement, by authorizing the 
selection and purchase of a suitable site.^^ 

Previous to their embarkation for their new homes, 
the emigrants from Brandford held a public meeting, 
(October 30th, 1666,) at which they adopted " two fun- 
damental agreements, touching their intended design ;" 
in accordance with the spirit of sectarianism and intole- 
rance which then so generally prevailed among the Pu- 
ritans of New England. They were as follows : — 

" 1st. That none shall be admitted freemen or free 
Burgesses within our Town, upon Passaick River, in the 
province of New Jersey, but such planters as are mem- 
bers of some or other of the Congregational Churches ; 
nor shall any but such be chosen to Magistracy, or to 
carry on any part of Civil Judicature, or as deputies or 
assistants to have power to Vote in establishing Laws, 
and making or Repealing them, or to any Chief Military 
Trust or office. Nor shall any But such church mem- 
bers have any Vote in any such elections ; Tho' all 

the consideration was iJlSO New En- ^* Gordon's Gazetteer of New Jersey, 

gland currency, twelve Indian blankets, Art. Newark. 
and twelve Indian guns. The goods 
may have been valued at £130. 



1666.1 TERMS OP SETTLEMENT AT NEWARK. 45 

Others admitted to Be planters have Right to their proper 
Inheritances, and do and shall enjoy all other Civil Liber- 
ties and Privileges, According to Laws, Orders, Grants, 
which are or hereafter shall Be Made for this Town. 

" 2d. We shall with Care and Diligence provide for 
the maintenance of the purity of Religion professed in 
the Congregational Chm'ches." 

These articles, which throw no small light upon the 
characters of the founders of the leading city in New 
Jersey, were subscribed by twenty-three heads of fami- 
lies, and subsequently, by other settlers.^^ 

The tract for the settlement was selected under 
some expectation that Governor Carteret would have 
cleared it from all claims of the Indians ; but this he 
was not authorized to do; and on the arrival of the first 
party of thirty families early in 1666, they were warned 
off the ground by the Hackinsack Indians, and obliged 
to relade their goods on board their vessels until an un- 
derstanding with the claimants could be had. Some 
disposition was evinced to abandon the enterprise alto- 
gether, but at the solicitation of the governor and others, 
a council was held with the natives, and an arrangement 

3^ See Town Records, p. 2. The in any wise set him king over thee whom 
document is headed with references to the Lord thy God shall choose : one from 
Deut. /. 13. Exodus, xviii. ^L Deut, among thy brethren shalt thou set king 
xvii. 15. Jeremiah, xxx. 21 ; texts which over thee : thou mayest not set a stran- 
read as follows : " Take you wise men ger over thee, which is not thy brother." 
and understanding, and known among « * * " And their nobles shall be of 
your tribes, and I will make them rulers themselves, and their governor shall pro- 
over you." * « * " Moreover, thou ceed from the midst of them." They 
shalt provide out of all the people, able may have secured very excellent rulers, 
men, such as fear God, men of truth, but the whole document presents a 
hating covetousness, and place such marked contrast to the liberty of con- 
over them to be rulers of thousands and science guarantied to them by the pro- 
rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and prietaries. 
rulers of tens." * * « <i Thou shalt 



46 NEWARK SETTLED. [1666. 

entered into, which resulted in the purchase already 
mentioned.^^ 

The first immigrants were from Milford and neigh- 
boring plantations in Connecticut ; but, on the 21st of 
May, 1666, it was agreed, at a meeting held "near to 
Elizabethtown and the Town Plotts on Passaic River," at 
which the agents of Guilford and Brandford were pre- 
sent, that, should an intimation to that effect be received 
before the following November, the associates from all 
the plantations should constitute only one township, ' to 
be of one heart and consent with God's blessing in en- 
deavoring to carry on their spiritual concernments, as 
well as their civil and town affairs, according to God and 
a godly government."^ The town, in 1667, received the 
name of Newark, from the Rev. Abraham Peirson, 
their first minister, who had been ordained at Newark in 
South Britain.^^ 



3' Edsall's and Treat's affidavits. Bill 
in Chancery, pp. 117, 118. 

39 Town Records. The compilers of 
the article " Newark," in Gordon's Ga- 
zetteer, from this docmnent argue that 
there were distinct settlements formed 
by the immigrants from the different 
towns ; but the author conceives that at 
this period there was but one : the ob- 
ject of the agreement being to ensure an 
amalgamation with the first companies 
of those who should succeed them within 
the time specified. 

'9 Among the other questions brought 
up in the controversy between the pro- 
prietors and the Elizabethtown claim- 
ants, was that of the settlement of New- 
ark ; whether it was made under the 
Elizabeth Indian purchase or under the 
authority of the proprietors. In the 
Answer to Bill in Chancery, p. 47, 



(and see Bill, p. 67,) the affidavit of Jo- 
seph Woodruff, an old man, is given in 
relation to the matter, in which he states 
" he had heard Governor Treat (of Con- 
necticut) tell after what manner the line 
was settled between the two towns ; 
and that it was done in so loving and 
solemn a manner that he thought it ought 
never to be removed ; for he (the gover- 
nor) himself being among them at that 
time, prayed with them on Dividend Hill 
(so called) that there might be a good 
agreement between them ; and that it 
was agreed upon by the settlers of each 
town that the line between them should 
stand and remain from Dividend Hill, to 
run a northwest course ; and the governor 
said that, after the agreement, Mr. John 
Ogden (being one of the first purchasers) 
prayed among the people, and returned 
thanks for their loving agreement." It 



1668.J BERGEN, HOBOKEN. 47 

Bergen, on the 22d September, 1668, received a 
charter, in many respects similar to that of Wood- 
bridge ;^° and, as the country became known, grants for 
lands in various quarters multiplied rapidly. Among 
those which may have led to the foundation of towns, 
besides some made " in the time of the Dutch," which 
were confirmed, the following may be specified. 

On March 31st, 1668, a tract "between Haasimus 
and Jan de Lackers Point," was granted to Ide Cornel- 
lison Van Voorst: and on May 12th following, Nicho- 
las Verlett, at that time one of Governor Carteret's 
council, received a confirmation of a grant for two hun- 
dred and seventy-six acres, called " Hobooken." He 
first setded there some time previous to 1 656 ;^^ although, 
as has been stated, his grant from the Dutch governor was 
not obtained until 1663. 

On July 4, 1668, all the meadows and upland lying 
south of a line drawn from the Hackensack to the Pas- 
saic seven miles north from their intersection, (com- 
prising five thousand three hundred and eight acres of 
upland, and ten thousand of meadow,) were granted to 
Captain William Sandford, for £20 sterling per annum, 
for ever, in lieu of the halfpenny per acre ; and on the 
20th of the same month. Captain Sandford purchased 
the Indian title for " one hundred and seventy fathom of 
Black Wampum ; two hundred fathom of White Wam- 

is gratifying to know that the hope of its head the scene of this " loving and 

these worthy men has been realized, solemn" proceeding — the hill sanctified 

" Dividend Hill" being still recognized by prayer. See Town Records, p. 8, 

as one of the chief marks of the boun- for the certificate of the bounds agreed 

dary between Elizabethtown and New- upon. This was May 20th, 1668. 
ark ; and the passer from one to the *" See Note G. 

other, as he crosses the stream known ^' E. J. Records, B. 30. Albany Re- 

as Bound Greek (from the line's follow- cords, II. 325. 
ing its course to the bay), may see near 



48 BERRY'S GRANT. [1669. 

pum, nineteen match Coates, sixteen Guns, sixty 
double-hands of Powder, ten paire of Breetches, sixty 
Knives, sixty-seven Barres of Lead, one anker of 
Brandy, three half fats of Beer, eleven Blankets, thir- 
ty Axes, twenty howes, and two Cooks of dozens." ^^ 
Of this Sandford, it is recorded, that he was not willing 
to " accept of any office in the commonwealth." Na- 
thaniel Kingsland, sergeant-major of the island of Barba- 
does, became interested in this grant, and from him the 
tract derived the name of "New Barbadoes."^^ 

In June, 1669, Captain John Berry, and his asso- 
ciates, received a grant for lands adjoining Sandford's, 
extending north " six miles into the country :" he had also 
a grant for land on the Hudson, north of Hoboken.'^^ 

On the 12th of June, 1669, Govert Lookermans, 
and his associates, were confirmed in a purchase made 
by them of the Indian Remanatap, of several tracts and 
parcels of land " on the west side of Raritan's River over 
against Staten Island." ^^ 

*^ These, items are correctly copied and Sandford had a prior claim to the 
from the records, but what "cooks of land [Llndsley's AfT. Bill, 112]. See 
dozens" were the writer does not pretend Note H. for a farther notice of these last- 
to know. " Match Coates" were prob- named gentlemen, 
ably watch-coats originally. A patent '''' Berry became afterward a conspic- 
was issued by the lords-proprietors on uous character in the province, being 
26th March, 1G71, to Captain Wm. left in charge of the government by Car- 
Sandford in trust for Nathaniel Kings- teret, when the latter was obliged to 
land for the sum of ;e200 sterling. Kings- leave for England, in 1672. 
land and his wife Mary, on 1st of June, ■'^ The Indians had names for all their 
1671, transferred to Sandford, one-third various tracts not always the most eu- 
of their right for the same sum, and this phonious ; those above mentioned were 
was confirmed by the governor and coun- called " Kaoumous Manopock Kicka- 
cil. May 21, 1673. E J. Records, B. 131. waran, Mattawack Hoppekonck, Top- 

*' The first settlers of New Barba- pekock, Sinckaroes, Connescenck Hero- 
does were Edward Ball, Nathaniel manick, and Conwerans." The grantee 
Wheeler, and one Baldwin, three of the is the same individual whose voyage 
first inhabitants of Newark, but they did around Staten Island in 1663 is given in 
not remain long, finding that Kingsland Note B. 



I 



1679.1 PURCHASE OF AQUACKANONK. 49 

A tract called New Hackinsack was granted Jan- 
uary 6, 1676.^^ 

On 27th October, 1677, Richard Hartshorne obtained 
a lease of three acres, with the privilege of the exclu- 
sive range of Sandy Hook for the benefit of his cattle, 
in consideration of his intention to establish a fishery at 
that point, the lords proprietors reserving the right to 
erect what fortifications there they might think proper.*' 
Captahem, an Indian sachem, on 28th March, 1679, 
executed a deed for " Haquequenunck"''^ to Hans Dide- 
rick, Gerritt Gerritsen,WalHng Jacobs, Hendrick George 
and Company, of Bergen ; and another deed from the 
governor and council for the same tract, with some slight 
variations in bounds, is dated March 16th, 1684/^ 

On the 1st of November, 1681, a tract where now 
stands New Brunswick, was granted to John Inians and 
company 



50 



4« E. J. Records, Vol. II. Lib. I. part 
2d, p. 140. 

*'' Ibid. p. 91. Proud, in his History 
of Pennsylvania, I. p. 138, says this 
Richard Hartshorne came from London, 
September, 1669. He was a quaker of 
good reputation and benevolent disposi- 
tion ; occupied several public stations in 
the early times of the province, and left 
many descendants. 

*^ Aftervfc'ard spelt " Aqueyquinunke," 
the origin of the modern Aquackanonk. 
There were Dutch residents there as 
early as 16^0, vide Albany Records, Vol. 

n. p. 101. 

*' The bounds of the first deed are "be- 
ginning from the Northernmost bounds of 
the town of Newark, from ye Lowermost 
part thereof to the uppermost, as far as 
the steep rocks or Mountains, and from 
thence to run all along the said Pisa- 
wyck River, to a white oak tree standing 



near the said river on the north side of a 
small brook, and from thence running 
up to the steep rocks or mountains," &c. 
The bounds of the second deed wero 
somewhat similar, but the river line ran 
up to the " great falls," and so along the 
steep rocks to the Newark bounds. The 
consideration to the proprietors was £50 
sterling, and an annual rent of £14 ster- 
ling. (Records, A. 165.) The name of 
Hendrick George does not appear in the 
confirmatory deed, but in addition to the 
others we have Elias Hartman, Jo- 
hannes and Cornelius Machielson , An- 
drian Post, Urian Tomason, Cornelius 
Eowlafson, Simon Jacobs, John Hen- 
drick Speare, Cornelius Lubbers, and 
Abraham Bookey. These were princi- 
pally from Bergen, then a chartered 
township of eleven years standing. 

5" E. J. Records, Vol. II. Lib. I. part 
2d, p. 152. 



4 



50 ADVANTAGES OF EAST JERSEY. [1668. 

The grants and purchases which have thus been spe- 
cified, are all that have been noticed as being the proba- 
ble foundation of towns or extensive settlements, during 
the administration of Governor Carteret ; and we will 
now return to the consideration of the events which 
marked its course. 

Recommended by its favorable position, immediately 
adjoining the already well peopled province of New 
York, — offering to the settlers a market for their spare pro- 
ductions as well as for the results of their traffic with the 
Indians, and enabling them to obtain, with comparative- 
ly little difficulty, all the necessaries they required — New 
Jersey gradually filled with an enterprising and indus- 
trious population. The natives are uniformly mentioned 
as being a benefit rather than an injury to the new set- 
tlements, furnishing furs, skins and game, the obtain 
ment of which, without their intervention, would have 
been attended with difficulty and much loss of time. 
The different tribes being generally or entirely con- 
nected with, or subordinate to, the confederated Indians 
of New York, over whom the governors of that province 
exercised a controlling influence, the inhabitants of New 
Jersey enjoyed peculiar protection, although the effect of 
kind treatment was such as mainly to render them inde- 
pendent of its exercise. The proprietaries evinced no 
disposition to deprive the natives of their lands without 
making, what to their untutored minds seemed adequate 
remuneration ; they protected them from frauds by re- 
quiring all purchases of land to be made through the 
governor and council, and encouraged the exercise of 
justice, humanity and conciliation in all intercourse with 
them.^^ These circumstances preserved the province 

*' " If our Governor and Councillors said Province and Tract of Land afore- 
shall happen to find any Natives in our said, that then you treat them with all 



1668.] FIRST ASSEMBLY CALLED. 51 

from those unhappy colhsions, which had operated so 
materially to the disadvantage, oftentimes to the vital 
injury of new settlements in other parts of the country, 
and of which the previous Dutch settlers had, as we have 
seen, had some experience. 

These inducements, combined with a fruitful soil, 
a salubrious climate, and the liberal concessions of the 
proprietaries, made a residence in New Jersey extremely 
desirable ; and it is recorded by an old historian, that it 
was thought by some, even " worthy the name of para- 
dise," because, in addition to its natural advantages, it 
had no lawyers, or physicians, or parsons.^^ 

Not until the third year after his arrival did governor 
Carteret consider the growth and circumstances of the 
province such as to require any legislation for the govern- 
ment of the people, other than the prescribed regulations 
of the lords proprietors. But, on the 7th of April, 1668, 
he issued his proclamation,^^ requiring the freeholders of 
each town to make choice of two able men that were 
freeholders and dwellers within their limits, to be their 
Burgesses and Representatives in a general assembly, to 

Humanity and Kindness, and not in any impressed upon the hearts and minds of 
wise grieve or oppress them, but endea- the "exiles for conscience' sake," although 
vor, by a Christian carriage, to manifest in their own conduct disposed to be 
Piety, Justice and Charity, and in your equally as intolerant. Wynne, in his 
Conversation with them, the Manifesta- Genl. Hist. Brit. Emp. 206, 207, says, 
tion whereof will prove Beneficial to the " It is pretended by some people that 
Planters, and likewise Advantageous to this heterogeneous mixture of different 
the Propagation of the Gospel." Instruc- religions was probably encouraged by 
tions to Carteret, Grants and Conces the Duke of Ycrk, that he might make 
sions, 30. an experiment of that favorite tolera- 
*^ Oldmixon's Brit. Empire L 144. tion which he afterwards, so fatally for 
The guarantee of liberty of conscience himself, attempted to introduce into Eng- 
was one great inducement for emigra- land." That toleration was a favorite 
tion to New Jersey, particularly from idea of the Duke of York, sounds some- 
New England, where the recollection of what strangely, 
persecution at home, still lived vividly *' See Note I, 



^2 SESSION OF THE FIRST ASSEMBLY. [1668. 

be held at Elizabethtown, on the 25th May. He had 
chosen for his council Captain Nicholas Verlett, Daniel 
Pierce, Robert Bond, Samuel Edsall, Robert Vanquel- 
len,"' and William Pardon, and had appointed James 
Bollen secretary of the province. 

The proclamation of the governor being acted on, 
the first assembly in the history of New Jersey com- 
menced its session on the 26th, and closed on the 30th 
May.'" During the session, a bill of " pains and pe- 
nalties" was passed, identical in some respects with the 
Levitical law, and legislation had upon other subjects, 
« which by reason of the week so near spent, and the 
resolution of some of the company to depart," ^« were 
postponed for full consideration to the ensuing session 
in November, to the 3d of which month they adjourned. 
Thirty pounds were levied on the different towns to de- 
fray the " public charges," five pounds being the propor- 
tion of each, from which we judge that the population 
was about equally divided at that period. At the time 
appointed, the assembly again met, but the seeds of dis- 
sension between the popular branch and the council 
(which subsequently, not only in New Jersey but in 
every other province, became so prolific of evil) were 

54 I, is not certain that these were all gesses ."-For Bergen, Gasper Steen- 
oualifled as subjects of the king of melts and Balthazar Bayard : For 
En<-land. Mr. Vanquellen, a native of '^l^ewark upon Pishawack Biver," Cap- 
Caen in France, although surveyor-gen- tain Robert Treat and Samuel Swarne : 
eral also, was not naturalized until 8th For Elizabethtown, John Ogden, sen'r., 
ivr 1 1669-70 ^"^ -^"'^^ Brackett: For Woodbridge, 

"%his was fifteen years in advance John Bishop and Robert Dennis: For 

of the first assembly in New York, and Mtddletown, James Grover and John 

without doubt the existence of an assem- Bound, and the last named also repre- 

blv in New Jersey, had no little weight sented Shrewsbury. 
in bringing about the concession of one '" Governor's Message in Grants and 

to the people in the adjoining province. Concessions, p. 84. 
It was composed of the following " Bur- 



1668.1 DIFFICULTIES WITH MIDDLETOWN, ETC. 53 

already sown, and prevented much legislation. A few 
acts were passed, referring to the militia, weights and 
measures, fines, and deahngs with the Indians, but on 
the fourth day of the session the assembly adjourned 
sine die, and seven years elapsed ere another met.^^ 

The people of Middletown, having been authorized 
in their grant from Nicholls to pass such prudential 
laws as they deemed advisable, and not being disposed 
to acknowledge the claims of the lords proprietors, re- 
fused to publish the laws passed at the first session of 
the assembly, and would not permit them to be enforced 
within their limits, although their own representatives 
had assisted in framing them.^^ Consequently, when 
the deputies from that place and Shrewsbury presented 
themselves at the subsequent session, they were not per- 
mitted to take their seats unless they would first sub- 
scribe the prescribed oaths of allegiance and fidelity. 
This they would not do, except with limitations, and the 
towns were therefore unrepresented.^^ An act was 
passed, appointing commissioners to visit both places, to 
collect the amount due from them on account of the rates 
levied during both sessions to meet the public charges, 
and to learn the true position of the inhabitants in rela- 
tion to the authority of the proprietaries. This appears 
to have been the first exhibition of open hostility to the 
government of Carteret ; other and greater troubles were 
soon to follow. 

" See Note K, for the correspond- Swarne, of Newark ; Samuel Moore, 

ence between the two houses. for John Bishop, of Woodridge ; and 

** E. J. Records, Vol. II. Lib. 3, the addition of Peter Jegon and Fabrus 

p. 25. Cutout, as deputies from Delaware river. 

*' Grants and Concessions, p. 85. The The dismissed delegates from Middle- 
other deputies were the same, excepting town and Shrewsbury, were Jonathan 
Jacob Mollins, for John Brackett, of Holmes, Edward Tart, Thomas Winter- 
Elizabeth ; Jasper Crane, for Samuel ton and John Hans. 



54 aillT RENTS BECOME DUE. [1670. 

It is not surprising, that such varied motives as ope- 
rated to bring inhabitants to New Jersey should have 
produced among them after settlement a diversity of in- 
terests, engendering strife, and tending to the formation 
of parties ;*^ but still, with the exception of the difficul- 
ties just mentioned with Middletown and Shrewsbury, 
Governor Carteret was allowed to exercise the chief au- 
thority with comparatively little opposition, until the time 
fixed for the payment of the quit rents due from those 
holdino- lands under the concessions of the lords proprie- 
tors. The 25th March, 1670, was the day on which the 
first payment was to be made, and its arrival caused the 
suppressed passions of those inimical to the existing gov- 
ernment to break forth at once in decided and violent 
opposition. 

The Elizabethtown settlers, asserting their right to 
the lands confirmed to them by Colonel Nicholls, served 
as a centre or rallying point for the disaffected of all par- 
ties, and amid the many jarring elements of discord the 
claims of the proprietaries' officers were treated with 
contempt. Regardless alike of their oaths of allegiance, 
(which many of them had taken,) of their duty to the 
government whose liberal concessions were among the 
chief inducements for settlement within its jurisdiction, 
and of their implied faith in having conformed to the re- 
gulations of that government, (as a large number of them 
had done,) for the purpose of obtaining the Indian title 
to their lands ; the title thus acquired they attempted to 
uphold as superior to any rights the proprietaries could 

•" Rogers, in his Hist. North America, many jarring elements pent up together, 

London, 1765, says, " among them were and could not be reduced or reconciled 

some of almost every religious persua- to any settled form of government." 
sion under heaven ; they were like so 



1672.1 COURSE OF THE GOVERNOR. 55 

have, and following the example of Middletown and 
Shrewsbury, even claimed the right of government within 
their respective tracts. 

The governor struggled manfully against the spirit of 
anarchy which was abroad. Some changes were made 
in his council f^ the Courts of Bergen and Woodbridge, 
the only two then established in the province,*'^ were au- 
thorized to try all causes brought before them, although 
the parties might come from beyond the limits of their 
respective towns ; ^^ those corporations were warned 
against allowing any persons to hold office or exercise 
the rights of citizens under their charters unless they 
had patented their lands and become legal freeholders,^'* 
and the discontented were urged to comply with the 
terms of the concessions, and take out their patents ; but 
all his measures were unavailing ; the number and influ 
ence of his opponents prevented all proper enforcement 
of his authority. 

Two years had passed away in this state of anxiety 
and confusion, when, on the 14th May, 1672, the disaf- 
fected inhabitants sent deputies to an Assembly of their 
own constituting at Elizabethtown, which they professed 
to consider as representing the entire province ; and se- 
lected James Carteret, an illegitimate son of Sir George, 
then among them, a weak and dissipated young man, as 

" John Pike and John Bishop, Jr. of York, not a court was established. 

Woodbridge, and Lawrence Anderson, Smith's N. Y. says, " he took upon him - 

of Bergen, were appointed in 1670, and self the sole decision of all controversies 

Captain John Berry, in 1669, but it does whatsoever. Complaints came before 

not appear whom they superseded. him by petition, upon which he gave a 

^' Courts were not then thought so day to the parlies, and after a summary 

necessary by provincial governors, or by hearing pronounced judgment." 

the people, as in later times. During *'' E. J. Records, Liber IIL p. 36. 

the administration of Governor Nicholls ** Ibid. 
in the more populous province of New 



56 



CARTERET GOES TO ENGLAND 



[1672. 

a fit instrument to carry out their pretensions to the go- 
vernment.^^ They prevailed upon him to assume the 
chief authority, as delegated by them, and — with an 
inconsistency hard to be accounted for, conceding to 
them any honesty of purpose in their rejection of the 
rightful governor, — allowed him also to plead a title to it 
through a grant from his father ; which however he did 
not think himself obliged to produce. Counter procla- 
mations ensued, but the power to enforce obedience 
seems to have been with the usurper ; officers of the 
government were imprisoned and their estates confis- 
cated.^^ 

In this crisis the Governor's Council advised him^' to 



*^ E. J. Records, Liber IIL p 53. 

6« Eliz. Bill in Chancery, p. 35. E. 
J. Records, Liber IIL p. 64, &,c. On 
25th May, 1672, James Carteret issued 
a warrant for the apprehension of Wil- 
liam Pardon, directing the constable to 
keep him in custody until he delivered 
np the acts of the general assembly. 
Pardon refused to do so, and escaped 
from the constable. On the 25th 
June, John Ogden issued an attachment 
upon his moveables, and on 9th July, 
James Carteret issued another against 
his houses and land, stating that Pardon 
had escaped and gone to England. Par- 
don subsequently returned, and as a 
remuneration for his losses, was ap- 
pointed Receiver General, and received 
a grant of 500 acres of land, July 16, 
1674. 

It is gratifying to every Jerseynian 
who rightly regards these disorganizing 
proceedings, to find Mr. Bancroft in the 
late editions of his second volume ma- 
terially changing the character of his 
remarks, after his attention was drawn 



to the manifest impropriety of regarding 
them in any thing like a favorable light. 
It is somewhat remarkable that his usual 
research should have been so much at 
fault as to permit of a passage contain- 
ing such language as the following : 
" Disputes were followed by confusion, 
the established authority fell into con- 
tempt : and the colonists, conscious of 
their ability to take care of themselves, 
appointed their own magistrates, and 
managed their own government. Philip 
Carteret withdrew to England, leaving 
the colonists to domestic peace." Ban- 
croft II. 318, early editions. Alas! for 
the teachings of history, if broken faith, 
insurrection and injustice can be thus 
lightly passed over. 

Grahame makes Philip Carteret's de- 
parture to have been anterior to the ap- 
pointment of James as governor, which 
gives a different aspect to the transac- 
tion. 

" E. J. Records, Liber III. p. 27, un- 
der date of June 15th. 



1672.1 CONFIRMATION OF THE PROPRIETARIES' TITLE. 57 

go to England, with the view of explaining in person the 
situation of the province, and obtaining a confirmation of 
his authority, " thereby" (as they expressed themselves 
in a letter to the proprietaries, of which they made him 
the bearer) " to endeavour the curing of the wound by 
speedy medicine, which delay might cause to gangrene." 
This advice the governor thought proper to follow. On 
the 1st July he commissioned John Berry as deputy- 
governor during his absence, and sailed for England in 
company with James Bollen the secretary.^^ Their re- 
ception by the Lords Proprietors was all that they could 
have expected or desired. The Duke of York, at the 
request of Berkeley and Carteret, wrote to Governor 
Lovelace,^^ who had succeeded Nicholls in the govern- 
ment of New York May, 1667, notifying him, and re- 
quiring him to make the same known to the insurgents, 
that the claims which had been advanced would not 
receive from him the least favor ; on the contrary, he was 
desired to aid the proprietaries in their plans for the settle- 
ment of their province and for maintaining peace within 
it.™ This letter was followed by a missive to Deputy- 
Governor Berry from King Charles himself, dated De- 
cember 9th, confirming his authority and commanding 
obedience to the government of the Lords Proprietors.'^^ 

^* E. J. Records, Liber. III. p. 54. charge by the lords to purchase the lands 

Bill in Chancery, p. 35. Under date of from the Indians. 3d. That he had for- 

July 1st, there appears on record a Decla- bidden the inhabitants training under 

ration from Governor Carteret, that cer- pain of death, 

tain accusations made against him, were ^^ November 25, 1672. 

entirely false : They were, 1st. That '" From this, we may reasonably be- 

he had a considerable quantity of arms lieve that the disaffected had looked for 

and ammunition in his possession, which support and protection to the successor 

were sent by the lords for the use of the of Governor Nicholls. 

province. 2d. That he had a conside- " Bill in Chancery, 35 ; Grants and 

rable stock of money committed to his Concessions, 31. 



58 THE CONCESSIONS ALTERED. [1673. 

Other documents from Berkeley and Carteret, exe- 
cuted the same month, expressed in temperate yet de- 
cided language, their determination to support the rights 
vested in them, and which had been thus fully confirmed ; 
and the insurgents were called upon thereafter to yield 
due obedience, as they had not exhibited the regard for 
their interests in the province that justice and equity 
demanded. Such explanations and alterations, in rela- 
tion to the concessions, were made, as the disposition of 
the people and circumstances of the province seemed to 
require. The power of the general assembly was re- 
stricted by vesting in the governor and council alone the 
appointment of ministers, — the right to nominate being 
left with the several townships. The authority to regu- 
late the meetings and adjournments of the assembly ; — 
to establish courts in particular corporations already 
settled ; — to apportion lands and to nominate and ap- 
point officers ; — all which had previously been possessed 
by the assembly alone, was also transferred to the go- 
vernor and council ; and to them was now assigned the 
exclusive right of admitting planters and freemen. The 
quit rents in arrear, were to be paid in three years from 
1673, in addition to the growing rent of those years.^^ 

The documents were received and published by De- 
puty-Governor Berry in May 1673,^^ and a certain time 
allowed the malcontents to comply with the terms of the 
proprietaries. We hear nothing more of James Carteret. 
It is to be presumed that he sunk to the low estate 
whence he was taken to answer the purposes of the in- 

" See Grants and Concessions, pp. bridge 8th, Middletown 10th. (Bill.Ap- 

32 to 41, for the various document.'. pendix, 31.) About this time the pri- 

" Bill in Chancery, p. 37. They son of the province was ordered by the 

vyere published at Bergen 5th, Eliza- council to be at the house of Captain 

bethtown 6th, Newark 7th, Wood- Berry, in Bergen. 



1673.1 THE COUNTRY REGAINED BY THE DUTCH. 59 

surgents.^^ No feelings of exultation which may have 
been experienced by the friends of the proprietaries led 
them to disregard the trying situation of their opponents ; 
and the deputy-governor and his council issued an or- 
der with the intent ' to prevent deriding or uttering words 
of reproach to any that had been guilty of the riot.'^" 

Before the time expired in which the proffered terms 
of the proprietaries were to be acceded to, the Dutch 
were again in possession of the country. War had been' 
declared against Holland by Charles, in conjunction with 
Louis XIV. of France, in March 1672, and— as if the 
recollection of the unwarrantable manner in which they 
had been dispossessed of the New Netherlands prompted 
retaliation on the same ground — the States General 
despatched a squadron of five vessels against New York, 
which arrived in July 1673 ; and on the 30th of the same 
month possession of the place was obtained without diffi- 
culty.^^ 

No harshness was exhibited towards the English res- 
idents, and a proclamation, guaranteeing continued pos- 
session of rights and certain privileges on condition of 
swearing allegiance to the States General, brought to 
" New Orange," as they had named the city, all the ma- 



''* Of the previous life of this young case he should not, the legacy was to go 

man, nothing is known by the writer withotherproperty to a grandson named 

excepting that he had been in Carolina Philip. 

before his appearance in East Jersey, '' E. J. Records, Liber III. p. 92. 
and in 1671, in company with John '^ Smith's N. Y. I. 39 ; Dunlap's N. 

Locke, had been created a landgrave, Y. I. 128. Historians have generally 

one of the hereditary orders established asserted that the fort was obtained pos- 

in that province. (Oldmixon'sBrit.Emp. session of through bribery, but the N. Y. 

L 33.5.) Sir George in his will, left Colonial Records make the matter rather 

him £100 per annum, on condition that doubtful. It is there made to appear that 

he should within two years, resign all the fort fought four hours, and until all 

title to lands in the Island of Jersey ; in the ammunition was expended. 



60 THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT RE-ESTABLISHED. [1673. 

gistrates and constables from the surrounding country, 
East Jersey and the settlements on Delaware Bay in- 
cluded, the majority of whom took the oath.'^^ 

Commanders Benckes and Evertsen, and Captains 
Colve, Boes, and Van Tyle, constituted the supreme 
military tribunal at New Amsterdam, by whom the regu- 
lations above mentioned, for the government of the con- 
quered province, were established. Subsequently, on 
the 18th August, a petition was received from the inhab- 
itants of Elizabeth town, Newark, and Piscataway, in 
relation to the rights and privileges that were to be secur- 
ed to them, which was immediately acted upon by the 
tribunal. They were confirmed in the possession of their 
lawfully acquired lands, and placed on an equality, as re- 
garded privileges, with the Hollanders ; and should they 
conduct themselves orderly, they were not to be required 
to take up arms against England. The laws of the 
Netherlands were to determine the descent of their pro- 
perty, but they were at liberty to dispose of it by will as 
they might think proper, or remove it with themselves 
out of the province under certain regulations ; and liberty 
of conscience was accorded to them to the same extent 
as it existed in the mother country. These terms appear 
to have met the wishes of the petitioners, and were also 
acceded to by the inhabitants of Woodbridge, Shrews- 
bury, and Middletown.^^ 



''"' Smith's N.Y.I. 39. Some doubts contrary is abundant, as will be seen in 

have been expressed of the extension of the text. 

the resumed government of the Dutch " Albany Records, Vol. II. 353, 

overthe settlements in New Jersey, aris- XXIII. 264, &c. Captain John Berry, 

ing probably from an assertion to that William Sandford, Samuel Edsall and 

effect (to obtain a legal end) in the An- Lawrence Anderson,holders of large and 

Bwer to the " Elizabelhtown Bill in detached plantations, received separate 

Chancery," (p. 10,) but evidence to the confirmations of their privileges. 



1673.] DUTCH CODE OF LAWS. gj 

Doubtful of the attachment of the people, or fearful, 
it may be, of their obedience, the authorities at Fort 
William Hendrick did not rest satisfied with the oaths of 
the magistrates only, but early in September appointed 
commissioners to visit the several villages of New Jer- 
sey, or " Achter Kol," as they termed the province in 
their official documents, and exact the same from each 
inhabitant, and the duty was performed in Newark, Eli- 
zabethtown, Woodbridge, and Middletown ; the inhabit- 
ants of Bergen probably being considered too much in 
their interest to require the binding influence of an oath. 
A report was made of the names of those to whom the 
oath was administered, as well as of those who were 
absent, some of whom subsequently complied with the 
requisition.^^ 

On the 1st of October, provisional instructions were 
issued to the different sheriffs and magistrates of the sev- 
eral towns, but in New Jersey these were superseded 
by a code of laws promulgated " By the Schout and 
Magistrates of Achter Kol Assembly, held at Elizabeth- 
town, to make laws and orders" on the 18th of Novem- 
ber.^" This code does not appear to have been framed 
with reference to the English laws then in force, which 
it was intended to subvert. It was singularly mild in 
the character and extent of the punishments to be in- 
flicted on transgressors ; the principal aim of the legis- 
lators being, apparently, the protection of the province 

" Albany Records XXIII. 310 ; XXII. Records, Vol. 11. Lib. 3. On 1st Octo- 

344. We have the names of 44 in her, the plantation of Major Kingsland 

Woodbridge, and .5 absent ; 81 in Mid- was ordered to be sold on the ensuing 

dletown, 50 in Elizabethtown, and 21 20th, probably confiscated, although 

absent; 73 in Newark, and 11 absent, subsequently restored to the family. 
A similar record of those swearing alle- «" Albany Rec. XXII. 375. XXIII. 

giance to the English Government in 19. 
1665, and years following, is in E. J. 



62 THE COUNTRY RESTORED TO THE ENGLISH. [1674. 

from the demoralizing effects of sensual indulgence and 
other vicious propensities, while not unmindful of the 
needful regulations to secure such rights as, in the infan- 
cy of society, become of the first importance. The ob- 
servance of the Christian Sabbath, the employment of 
ministers, and the erection of churches, received also a 
share of their consideration ; but the whole code became 
soon a nullity through the abrogation of the authority 
under which it was enacted. ^^ 

Anthony Colve, captain of one of the vessels com- 
posing the squadron, was invested with the chief autho- 
rity during the short time the provinces remained in the 
possession of the States General, but on the 9th Februa- 
ry, lG7-x^ a treaty of peace with England was signed at 
WestiUinster, the sixth article of which restored the 
country to the English, and they continued thereafter in 
undisturbed possession until the war which secured the 
independence of the United States of America. ^'^ 

*" Officers were nominated for Ahasi- (113) that Eobert Laprairie (presumed 
mus, Bergen, Elizabethtown, Newark, to be the same individual mentioned 
Woodbridge and Piscataway, as late as above) was an alias of " Robert Van- 
August, 1674. Albany Records, XVII. quellin," the proprietaries' surveyor, and 
441,457. one of the governor's council: so that 

^^ During Colves' administration he we may suppose his abstraction of Car- 
ordered " all the arms and other goods teret's property was an act of friendship 
belonging to the late Governor Carteret" intended to guard it from his enemies, 
to be transmitted to him at " Fort Wm. Mr. Bancroft, in the earlier editions of 
Hendrick," and the execution of the his History of the United States, re- 
duty was assigned to " Schout John ferred particularly to page 315 of these 
Ogden,and Secretary Samuel Hopkins." Records, to prove the humanity of the 
They reported that " Robert La-prie car- people in not confiscating the property 
ried off different goods from the house of the governor after driving him from 
of Philip Carteret, wliich he declines the province. The passage in subse- 
to restore ; and further, that one Jona- quent editions he has very properly 
than Singleterry refuses to obey their omitted, for it is difficult to conceive Aow 
orders, on which it is commanded to the records can be made to bear upon 
apprehend aforesaid persons and to con- the point, and if they did, still more dif- 
duct them hither." Albany Records ficult to explain how refraining from 
XXIII. 44, 306,315. We learn from committing an undoubted wrong could 
the Elizabethtown Bill in Chancery be construed into an act of humanity. 



1674.1 EDMUND ANDROS APPOINTED GOVERNOR. 63 

On the conclusion of peace, in order to remove all 
grounds for objections to his title on account of the re- 
capture of the country by the Dutch, and subsequent re- 
linquishment to the crovvn,^^ the Duke of York obtained 
from the king a new patent, similar to the first, dated 
June 29th, 1674, and on the 1st July Edmund An- 
dros was appointed governor under it.^^ Chalmers, in 
his Annals, seems to imply that the duke was glad to 
avail himself of the plea afforded him by the change in 
the government of his territories, to regain possession 
of New Jersey, the loss of which Governor Nicholls had 
so deeply deplored.^^ It may be that this was his inten- 
tion, for a brief period, so far as related to the govern- 
ment of the province, from the fact that Andros was 
directed to take possession of the province of New York 
and " its dependencies," which, in the words of his com- 
mission, included " all the land from the west side of 
Connecticut River to the east side of Delaware Bay," 
although it does not appear that these directions were 
complied with by Andros on his arrival at New York, 
October 31st, 1674, so far as New Jersey was concerned. 
But on the 9th November, he issued a proclamation, in 
which he expressly declared that all former grants, priv- 
ileges, or concessions heretofore granted, and all estates 
legally possessed by any under his royal highness before 
the late Dutch government, were thereby confirmed, and 
the possessors by virtue thereof to remain in quiet pos- 
session of their rights.®^ 

^' Douglas' Summary, II. 223. although Chalmers had access to docu- 

** Grants and Concessions, 41 ; An- ments not to be met with on this side 

swer to Bill, 10. of the Atlantic, but which it is hoped 

** Chalmers, p. 616. See Note C. the legislature of the statf" will ere long 

"* Chalmers, p. 617. The history of adopt measures to secure, yet he rather 

this period is exceedingly confused, and adds to, than lessens the obscurity. He 



64 THE TITLE OF SIR GEORGE CARTERET RENEWED. [1674. 

Whatever hesitation the duke may have felt about 
restoring New Jersey is said to have been removed solely 
by his affection for Carteret, which influenced him to 
grant what was considered to militate against his own 
interest and the prosperity of New York. The pleasure 
of his royal brother may have had some weight with him, 
as it is well known that Carteret was a favorite of the 
king. A proof of this given at this time, is found in a 
letter from Charles, bearing date the loth June, 1674, 
(hefore the new patent to the duke was granted,) 
confirming again the title and power of Carteret in East 
Jersey.^^ 

On the 28th and 29tli July, 1674, Sir George Carte 
ret received his renewed titles from the duke, equally full 
as to rights and privileges, but which gave to him individ- 
ually all the province north of a line drawn from a cer- 
tain " creek called Barnegat, to a certain creek in Dela- 
ware river next adjoining to and below a certain creek 

epeaks of the duke as having " hesitated that indicates any hesitation on the part 
long" about his grant to Carteret, and of of the duke to confirm the rights of Car- 
the passage of a year or more without its teret at this time, and the writer is of 
execution ; yel we find from the docu- opinion that a!i the misapprehensions of 
ment itself, unless it was antedated, that Chalmers grew out of his not discover- 
it was given within a month after the ing the grant of 28-29th July, 1674, 
receipt of the new patent from the king, which was certainly the one drawn up 
Chalmers also states that before the re- by the duke's council, in accordance with 
ceipt of any intelligence from England the order given them under date of 23d 
of the reconveyance of East Jersey to July, to which he alludes, and which is 
Carteret, Andros had extended his au- among the other colonial documents of 
thority over the whole province. But it New York, recently obtained. The in- 
is doubtful if he attempted to take East structions to the Governor in February 
Jersey under his control until after the following, to which he refers, and which 
death of Sir George, in 1G79 ; and Car- will be hereafter introduced, related ex- 
teret was in the province and officiating clusively to the customs and other pet- 
as governor in less than a week after quisites. 

Andros received the surrender of the fort « Grants and Concessions, 49 ; BUI 

at New York. There is certainly no- in Chancery, 38. 
thing in the New York Colonial Records 



1674.1 POWERS OF GOV. ANDROS. 65 

in Delaware Riv'er called Renkokus Kill" — a stream south 
of Burlington.**^ Berkeley had previously (March 18th, 
1673,) parted with his right in the province to John Fen- 
wick, but whether or not any negotiation with him pre- 
ceded the granting of these new deeds, has not been 
determined. They certainly secured to Carteret consi- 
derably more than a moiety of the province. It was not 
until two years afterward that the deed of division 
(known in the history of the state as the " Quintipartite 
Deed") was executed. 

Governor Andros and his council were vested with 
all the functions of government within the limits that 
have been specified, and the former's characteristic ty- 
ranny and subserviency well fitted him to exercise the 
power thus conferred to its full extent, to gratify his mas- 
ters views of policy and interest. Conversant as he was, 
however, with the transactions in England subsequent to 
the date of his commission, by which East Jersey had 
been transferred to others and a governor appointed for 
it,^^ he did not presume, at first, to assert his authority 
over the province farther than to empower William Dyre, 
collector of the duke's revenues in New York, to collect 
also within New Jersey the customs which his highness 
had " thought proper to establish throughout his territo- 
ries ;"^° thus imposing upon the inhabitants of a pro- 
vince, which he had transferred to others in as full and 
ample manner as it had been obtained by him, exactions 
which his own people of New York considered exceeding- 
ly burdensome, if not illegal, when imposed on them.'-" 

^ Grants and Concessions, p. 46. across the Atlantic. Tliey must have 

*' It is not improbable that he and arrived about the same time. 
Philip Carteret were fellovy-passengers ^° Chalmer's Annals, p. 617. 

»' Dunlap's N. Y., I. p. 132. 

5 



66 PHILIP CARTERET RE-COMMISSIONED. [1674. 

Philip Carteret had remained in England during the 
occupancy of the Dutch and subsequent negotiations ; 
but on his brother's obtaining a new grant for East Jer- 
sey, he was recommissioned as governor, July 31, 1674,^ 
and returned to the province, bringing with him a con- 
firmation of the alterations made in the Concessions on 
December 6th, 1672, and also such farther regulations 
relative to laying out of the lands, payment of quit 
rents, and the obligations of the settlers, as the situation 
of the province rc(|uired.°^ 

The unsettled state of their affairs appears to have 
led the people of East Jersey to regard with satisfaction 
the return of their governor. He published his com- 
mission and the other documents with which he was 
furnished, at Bergen, November 6, 1674, in the presence 
of his council and commissioners from all the towns ex- 
cept Shrewsbury, and the internal peace of the province 
was in a great measure restored.^^ 

'As yet, no settlement had been made in West Jer- 

®^ Grants and Concessions, p. 58. build a prison and a house for the keeper 

®^ Grants and Concessions, p. 50. out of the quit rents. Purchases from 

The chief actors in the rebellion were the Indians were to be made in his 

required, upon publication of these new name, by the governor and council, the 

concessions, to petition the governor for expense to be reimbursed by the settler. 

a remission of their offences. The in- ^^ Bill in Chancery, p. 49. A long 

habitants of " Navysink," (Middletown opinion, signed John HoUis, William 

and Shrewsbury,) in consequence of Leek, William Williams, John Hoyle, 

their faithfulness to the lords proprietors, John Holt, Wm. Thompson, Richard 

were to have their townships surveyed Wallup, and Henry PoUexfen, adverse 

and incorporated, and such as had to the claimants under NichoUs' grant, 

claimed to be patentees and purchased said to have been obtained about this 

lands from the Indians, were to have time, is to be found on the same page. 

500 acres each allotted to them. To Grahame, Gordon, and others, in order to 

Buch settlers as would locate themselves make after events conform to Chalmer'a 

on any river ten miles from the sea, narrative, place the governor's return in 

eighty acres were to be given ; those set- 1675, but it was in 1674, as stated in 

tling at a less distance to receive sixty the text, 
acree. The lord proprietor engaged to 



1 



1676.1 THE PROVINCE OP NEW JERSEY DIVIDED. 57 

sey under the Duke of York's grant; but in 1675, John 
Fenwick (to whom that section of the province had been 
sold in trust for Edward Bjlhnge), with many others, 
came over in the ship Griffith from London, and landed 
at what is now Salem, so called by them from the peace- 
ful aspect the site then wore ; but a difference arising 
between Fenwick and Byllinge, no others followed for 
two years. This difficulty was settled, subsequently, 
to the satisfaction of both parties, through the interven- 
tion of William Penn f^ and Byllinge's interest was 
transferred to Penn, Gawen Lawrie, and Nicholas Lucas, 
as trustees for Byllinge's creditors, he being deeply in- 
volved in debt through commercial losses. ^"^ 

The duke having induced Sir George to relinquish 
the grant of 29th July, 1674, in order to perfect a more 
equitable division of the province between him and 
the assigns of Lord Berkeley, by making the parti-. 
tion line run from Little Egg Harbor to a point on the 
Delaware River, in forty-one degrees north latitude f'^ 

^^ To this circumstance, Watson, in was made in 1687, by George Kiefh. 

his Annals of Philadelphia, ascribes the About sixty miles of it was traversed, 

settlement of Pennsylvania ; as Penn, but it was thought unjust to the western 

when arranging the affairs of Byllinge, proprietaries, and it was not until 1743 

became so well acquainted with the lo- that the whole line was gone over by 

cality and the goodness of the country, John Lawrence, appointed by commis- 

that he was induced to procure Pennsyl- sioners acting under authority of the le- 

vania for himself. gislature granted in 1719. To this line 

'* See Answer to Bill, p. 18, for some the eastern proprietors adhere, but it has 
interesting information relating to the ever remained an unsettled question be- 
division of the province, in a letter from tween the two divisions, what should 
A. Langhorne. The assertion of the be considered the true boundary of their 
duke, as there stated, that the grant to respective lands. For a particular state- 
Sir George, of 29th July, was obtained ment of the controversy, the reader is 
from him " by surprise," can hardly be referred to Gordon's N. J. pp. 71-75 ; 
believed by any one who has had an Smith's N. J. p. 195, and pp. 546-557 ; 
opportunity of examining the records. and to a Pamphlet containing the " Peti- 

'^ The first attempt to run this line, tions and Memorials of the Proprietors 



g3 CONDITION OF EAST JERSEY. [1676. 

the deed of division which has been referred to, was 
executed between Sir George Carteret and the proprie- 
taries of West Jersey, on the 1st of July, 1616 f and 
from this time the measures taken to advance their res- 
pective portions w^ere entirely separate and independent. 
In 1677, the ship Kent, after a tedious passage, arrived 
at Newcastle ; but the commissioners sent over by Penn 
and the other trustees, having selected the site of the 
present Burlington, the emigrants,two hundred and thirty 
in number, removed thither. Other vessels following^ 
Burlington and the adjacent country soon became thickly 
populated ; but the scope of this work will not allow of 
a particular examination of the progress of settlements 
in West Jersey.^^ 

The tranquillity prevailing after the return of Gov- 
ernor Carteret, was not of a character to endure long. 
The malcontents of Elizabeth and other towns had be- 
come quiescent from the force of circumstances. Their 
being so, affords no evidence of a change in their opin- 
ions, for they continued as inimical to the interest of 
the proprietary as before the governor's return ; want- 
ing only a fit opportunity to resume their schemes in op- 
position to his authority. Every addition to the popula- 
tion, however, served to strengthen the government, and 
we, therefore, find no attempt at any farther open revo- 
lutionary movements. To their disposition to advocate 

of East and West Jersey," printed by dwelt more at length on the history of 

Shepard Kollock, New York, about that province ; but there is much yet for 

1786. the antiquarian to discover and bring to 

9* Grants and Concessions, p. Gl. the knowledge of the public. Johnson's 

Answer to Bill, p. 18. ' History of Salem' and Mickle's ' Re- 

^ See Smith's and Gordon's Histo- miniscences of Gloucester,' are valuable 

ries. Both having a more intimate ac- contributions to the history of that por- 

quaintance with West Jersey, and one tion of the state, 
of them a resident, they have naturally 



1676.] COMMERCIAL PROJECTS OP CARTERET. 69 

any measures tending to weaken the authority, or con- 
flicting with the title of the proprietary, may be attri- 
buted, in all probability, many of the subsequent acts of 
Governor Andros ; for it can hardly be presumed that 
he would have ventured upon some of his ultra proceed- 
ings without the countenance of a party in the pro- 
vince J^** 

The exaction of the customs in New Jersey, by di- 
rection of the Duke of York, operated more to the pre- 
judice of the inhabitants on the Delaware than to those 
of East Jersey, the latter having less need of a direct 
trade with foreign ports, from their proximity to New 
York.^"^ In 1676, however. Governor Carteret, desiring 
to foster a spirit of commercial enterprise in the people, 
and disposed to adopt every scheme promising any ad- 
vantage to the province, began to enter and clear vessels 
at Elizabethtown ; but Andros steadily opposed what he 
was pleased to consider an infringement of his master's 
right, and supported by superior power, was enabled 
effectually to prevent the realization of any benefit by 
the inhabitants of East Jersey from the governor's pro- 
jects J"- 

*"** Dougla?, II. p. 287. sy, in a representation to the duke's 
"" These duties were first imposed by commissioners (ordered to investigate 
Governor Lovelace, in 1669. They the subject,) from the West Jersey pro- 
were at first ten per cent on all imports prietaries. Hist. N. J., p. 117. 
and exports ; but at the time referred to '"'^ Chalmers, p. 618, and see Note L. 
in the text, they were fve per cent on In 1679 a proclamation was issued by 
the invoice cost in England, of all the Carteret, declaring Amboy free to all 
goods brought out by the settlers. It vessels trading to East Jersey, and there- 
was rightfully considered by them as an upon one Hooper entered his vessel there 
actual " tax upon planting" most arbi- from Barbadoes ; but Andros had her 
trarily exacted, and they resisted the brought up to New York, and obliged 
payment with all their power. Smith her master to enter at that port and pay 
gives a most spirited and well written his duties before being permitted to land 
document connected with the controver- his goods in East Jersey. (Representa- 



70 PROCEEDINGS OF ANDROS. [1679. 

The Duke of York paid but little regard to these 
disputes. Too well disposed to foster his own interests, 
even to the sacrifice of justice, he expressed his unwil- 
lingness to resign any of the prerogative which he 
claimed always to have exercised over New Jersey, 
although it may have been allowed to remain in some 
measure dormant in compliment to Carteret, but "favors 
might at a future day be claimed as right." ^"^ The only 
melioration that could be obtained from him was a limita- 
tion in the exaction of the duties to three years longer, 
and as they were as unpopular in New York as in New 
Jersey, universal discontent was the consequence.^*^* 

This disposition of the duke to uphold his asserted 
right to the customs which had been imposed, and pos- 
sibly the intelligence of Sir George Carteret's death, 
which occurred in England early in 1679, seem to have 
inspired Andros with fresh vigor in his crusade against 
the government of East Jersey. The fact that the pro- 

tion of Attorney Gen'l. Graham to Lord effect of the law is not known ; it waa 

Bellamont, June 30, 1698, in New York repealed the following November. 

Col. Papers.) '<>' Chalmers, p. 618. 

In April, 1679, an act was passed i"* Andros, who went to England in 

authorizing the appropriation of 150 November, 1677, brought out these in- 

pounds " for the security and encourage- structions himself. Grahame's U. S. II. 

ment" of any vessel that should arrive p. 240. "November 16th. The gov- 

in the province for the purpose of traffic, ernor parted from New York and went 

and go through the formalities of enter- to take his leave of Governor Carteret 

ing and clearing at the Elizabethtown in the Jerseys, and lay there all night ; 

Custom House ; in case she should, " by the 17th, went aboard neare Staten Is- 

any of the government of New York, land, weyed and went down ye Bay neare 

be arrested, detained, and condemned for Sandy Point, where he sayled." N. Y, 

the only cause of trading in this pro- Col. Papers. Less ofcourtesy in this visit, 

vince, and not entering and clearing at probably, than pohcy. It was desirable 

New York," the amount to be paid to that he should carry with him all the in- 

the owner. Grants and Concessions, p. formation respecting the coveted pro- 

131. It is probable this action succeed- vince that he possibly could obtain. 
ed the seizure above mentioned. The 



1680.1 PROCEEDINGS OF ANDROS. -Jl 

vince was within the limits of his jurisdiction according 
to his commission, — which had been allowed to remain 
unacted on through a conviction, it may well be pre- 
sumed, that he had no rightful authority thereto, — was 
suddenly recalled to mind, and on the 8th March, 1679- 
80, he addressed a letter to Caiteret, in which he informs 
him that, being advised of his actions without any legal 
authority, to the great disturbance of his majesty's sub- 
jects, he requires him to cease exercising any authority 
whatever within the limits of the Duke of York's pa- 
tent, unless his lawful power so to do were first recorded 
at New York.'**^ 

To this strange and unlooked-for epistle Governor 
Carteret replied on the 20th, after consultation with his 
council, boldly asserting his authority over the province, 
and expressing his determination, and that of the coun- 
cil, should force be used, to defend their families and 
themselves to the best of their ability ; and if blood 
were shed it would be required at the hands of the ag- 
gressor ; and this they would do until the king had heard 
and decided the matter.'^*^ 

On the 13th March, before this letter was received, 

^"' Grants and Concessions, p. 673. erection of any fort at the point desig- 

He also stated that " it being necessary nated until he could communicate with 

for the king''s service, &c., that beacons the proprietors. The light house wag 

or sea marks for shipping sailing in and not built until many years after, 
out, and a fortification be erected at '"^ Grants and Concessions, p. 674. 

Sandy Hook," he had resolved it accord- In the simple manner of the times Car- 

ingly, but " having a due regard to all teret writes: " The occasion that hinders 

rights or proprieties of land or soil," this from being sent to you sooner is the 

he would make just remuueralion to the foulness of the weather, hiiidering the 

owner. To this Carteret replies, that council's meeting, as also an alarm wt 

whatever may be requisite for his ma- had yesterday of your being come with 

jesty's service within the jurisdiction of your sloop and a considerable number o f 

New Jersey they would themselves con- soldiers, which constrained us to put 

sjder, and that he should oppose the ourselves in a posture of defence." 



72 ANDROS VISITS ELIZABETHTOWN. [1680. 

or even written, Andros issued a proclamation, abrogat- 
ing the government of Carteret, and requiring all persons 
to submit Ibrtlnvith to the king's authority, as embodied 
in himself. His emissaries were sent into the province, 
and every covert and sinister means adopted to es- 
trange the people from their allegiance to the proprie- 
tary government. Against all this the governor pre- 
sented a bold and determined front. " It was by his 
majesty's commands," wrote he to Andros, " that this 
government was established, and without the same com- 
mand, shall never be resigned but with our lives and for- 
tunes, the people resolving to live and die with the name 
of true subjects, and not traitors." ^°^ 

A crisis in the affairs of the province was certainly 
approaching. On the 7th April, Carteret was informed 
that Andros was about to present himself at Elizabeth- 
town for the purpose of demanding the government, and 
presuming that he would be accompanied by an armed 
force, a body of one hundred and fifty men was collected 
and armed to resist any violence that might be at- 
tempted. On the arrival of the vessel, however, it was 
ascertained that the retinue of the New York Governor 
consisted only of his councillors, with some of his offi- 
cers and principal merchants ; they were, consequently, 
received with civility, and conducted to the house of 
Governor Carteret, where a mutual exposition was made 
of their respective claims to the government of East 
Jersey. 

Andros read the king's letters-patent directing him 
to receive the whole country from the Dutch, the grant 
to the Duke of York, and his commission from the lat- 

'"^ Grants and Conce.ssions, pp. 675, 676. 



1580.1 CARTERET SEIZED. 73 

ter, as governor; basing his rights upon these alone. Car- 
teret then presented for inspection the several documents 
received from the king and the duke, making it manifest 
that Sir George held the province under a title equally 
as strong and similar in character to that by which An- 
dros claimed it. With these that functionary was already 
acquainted, and their production anew, as might have 
been anticipated, was of no avail in convincing him that 
his pretensions were unfounded. The conference ended 
as it had begun ; Andros closed the consultation by stat- 
ing that he had now performed his duty by showing his 
authority and demanding the government in behalf of 
his master, and by warning the Jerseymen that, if they 
would not comply with his behest, the peril would rest 
upon them alone. " Then we went to dinner," says 
Carteret, in his account of the interview, " and that 
done, we accompanied him to his sloop, and so parted.""^ 

This hospitality of the governor was thrown away 
upon one possessing no responsive feelings of justice or 
clemency. On the night of 30th April, a party of sol- 
diers, sent by Andros, violently dragged him from his 
bed, carried him to New York bruised and maltreated, 
and he was there kept, their close prisoner, until the 
27th May, when a special court was convened for his 
trial, on the accusation of having " persisted and riot- 
ously and routously endeavored to maintain the exercise 
of jurisdiction and government over his majesty's sub- 
jects, within the bounds of his majesty's letters-patent 
to his royal highness." 

Under these trying circumstances, the spirit and 
firmness of Carteret quailed not. When brought before 

^'"' Grants and Concessions, p. 678. 



74 CARTERET'S TRIAL. [1680. 

the court, over which Andros himself presided, he boldly 
ackno^^'lcdged the refusal on his part to resign the gov- 
ernment without the special command of the king, de- 
manded his release from confinement on parole, to appear 
when his sovereign might require it, and protested against 
the Jurisdiction of the court, where his accuser and im- 
prisoner was also to be judge. He subsequently with- 
drew his protest, and submitted the documentary evi- 
dence substantiating his authority. The jury brought 
in a verdict of " not guilty," which Andros would not 
receive. Twice or thrice did he charge them anew, and 
oblige them to retire for farther consideration ; but, to 
their honor be it recorded, notwithstanding the presence 
of the despot, and the apprehensions they might reasori- 
bly have entertained of experiencing his vengeance, they 
were firm in abiding by their first decision. They re- 
quired the governor, however, to give security not to 
assume any authority on his return to East Jersey, in 
order that the matter might be referred to the authorities 
in En gland. ^°° 

Andros lost no time in availing himself of this virtual 
deposition of Carteret. On the 2d June he met the 
Assembly of New Jersey at Elizabethtown, presented 
again his credentials, and recommended such an enact- 
ment as might confirm all past judicial proceedings, and 
the adoption of the laws then in force in New York, which 
had emanated from a convention at Hempstead, Long 
Island. The representatives of the people of East Jer- 
sey, while they appear to have been sufficiently impressed 
with the power and authority of Andros to treat him 
with respect, were not unmindful of what was due to 

'"8 Grants and Concessions, pp. 678 to 681, 683. 



1681.] AUTHORITY OF CARTERET CONFIRMED. 75 

themselves ; they exhibited towards him the bearing of 
freemen who were not tamely to assume any yoke he 
might presume to place upon their necks, and expressed 
their opijiions plainly and decidedly on the matters sub- 
mitted for their consideration. Andros, in his speech, 
had alluded to the protection secured to them by the 
" King's letters-patent under the great seal of England," 
and in their reply they said, " As we are the representa- 
tives of the freeholders of this province, we dare not 
grant his majesty's letters-patent, though under the great 
seal of England, to be our rule or joint safety ; for the 
great charier of England, alias Magna C/iarta, is the 
only rule, privilege and joint safety of every free-born 
Englishman. What we have formerly done, we did in obe- 
dience to the authority that was then established in this 
province. These things which have been done accord- 
ing to law require no confirmation." They presented for 
his approval the laws already in force and adapted to 
their circumstances, and expressed also their expectation 
that the privileges conferred by the "Concessions" would 
be confirmed. ^^° It does not appear that these views of 
the assembly were dissented from by the governor, or 
that his visit to the province was productive of either 
good or ill. 

Through the tardiness of those interested in Eng- 
land, Governor Carteret was kept in suspense for several 
months as to the decision of his superiors upon the mat- 
ters referred to them ; but on the 2d March, 1681, he 
issued a proclamation, announcing the receipt of, to him, 
most gratifying intelligence from Lady Elizabeth, exe- 
cutrix of Sir George Carteret's estate, dated the Sep- 

''" Grants and Concessions, pp. 681 to 683. 



76 ANDROS GOES TO ENGLAND. [1681. 

teml)er previous, to the effect that the Duke of York 
wholly disowned the acts of Governor Andros, and 
denied having given any order or authority which could, 
in the least, have derogated from that vested in the pro- 
prietary."' Carteret, therefore, resumed the govern- 
ment, and subsequently a letter was received by Andros, 
bearing date the 6th November, 1680, from the Duke's 
secretary, notifying him that his royal highness had re 
linquislicd all right or claim to the province, save the 
reserved rcnt.^'^ 

On the receipt of this information, or about this time, 
Andros went to England, leaving as his representative 
Anthony Brockholst, president of the council. Some 
authors assert that he had incurred the displeasure of 
the duke by his conduct towards the governor of East 
Jersey, and that he was recalled in consequence thereof."^ 
That his visit to England was in obedience to a com- 
mand from the duke, there can be no doubt, but it was 
to answer charges preferred against him by the people 
of New York of such a nature as to lead the duke to 
think an investigation necessary for his own interest. 
Andros submitted to the inquiry, and having satisfacto- 
rily shown that his conduct in office had been such only 
as the character of his master's measures required, he 
was acquitted.'^'' He did not return to the province, but 
the fact of his being appointed in 1686 governor of 
New England, by the duke, then on the throne as 

"• Grants and Concessions, p. 685. the duke ; but it is apparent, from tlie 

"* Grants and Concessions, p. 686, Records, that the duke was not entirely 

and see Note M. assured of the fidelity of his governor. 

'" Smith'sN.Y.,p.46. Douglas,II. John Lewen was sent out in 1680, as 

P- 269. commissioner to examine into the state 

"* Dunlap (N. Y.,I. 133) says Andros of the province, the amount of revenue, 

returned to England in full favor with &c. 



1681.] CONDUCT OF ANDROS. ^-y 

successor to his brother Charles, does not indicate any 
decrease of confidence ; indeed James possessed in An- 
dres a desirable instrument to carry out any system of 
tyranny or aggrandizement he might frame. 

There is assuredly considerable mystery about the 
conduct of Andros towards New Jersey, while adminis- 
tering the government of New York, which every known 
document or authority fails satisfactorily to explain. The 
existence of the party in East Jersey inimical to the pro- 
prietary government may have led him to cherish the 
idea of regaining it for the Duke of York, and, in con- 
nection with the probability of his having received secret 
instructions, can alone account for his pertinacity in ex- 
ercising authority in the province, in direct opposition to 
the expressed will of the duke, as contained in the grants 
to Sir George Carteret, and other documents. Even 
after the departure of Andros for England, and the re- 
ceipt of the notification from the Duke's secretary, 
which has been mentioned, Brockholst still refused to 
recognize the authority of Carteret. '^^ 

After the return of Governor Carteret in 1674, the 
assemblies met with considerable regularity each year ; 
the first, at Elizabethtown, November 5th, 1675,"*^ and 
the subsequent meetings either there or at Woodbridge, 

"•' Grants and Concessions, p. G87. dletown. Captain John Bound, John 

The New York Papers contain no war- Throgmorton ; for Shrewsbury, John 

rant for the course of either Andros or his Slocum. William Shatluck, the other 

deputy. member for Shrewsbury, refusing to 

"^ The members of this assembly swear or subscribe ilie oaths, was dis- 

were, for Elizabethtown, Henry Lyon, missed. 

Benjamin Price ; for Bergen, Hans Ded- The council at this time consisted of 
rick, Elias Michelson ; for Newark, Captains John Berry, William Sand- 
Thomas Johnston, Lieut. John Ward ; ford and John Pike ; and 3Iessrs. Law- 
for Woodhridge, Samuel Davis, Thomas rence Anderson, John Bishop, Sen'r., 
Bloomfield, Jr. ; for " iVe)« P/scoia^ita," James BoUen, Secretary, and Robert 
John Gillman J Hopewell Hull ; iox Mid- Vanquellin. 



■yg EARLY LAWS. [1681. 

save one at Middletown, in 1679. Unanimity seems 
to have prevailed sufficiently for some years among 
the different branches of the government/'^ for legis- 
lation to be had upon all subjects w^hich the advance- 
ment of the province in population rendered requisite. 
Among other legal provisions of this period, exclusive 
of enactments respecting the punishment of crimes, the 
establishment of courts, and the preservation of the 
peace, were the following : All males from sixteen to 
sixty were required to furnish themselves with arms and 
ammunition, w4iich, with plough irons or chains, and 
horses and cattle necessary for their livelihood, were de- 
clared free from distraint ; each town was to have a 
fortified place of safety for securing the women, chil- 
dren, provisions, and ammunition, in case of imminent 
danger from Indian assaults ; ^'^ freeholders were not to 
be arrested for debt unless it was made to appear that 
their creditors were likely to suffer from fraudulent mea- 
sures ; and the county rates were to be levied according 
to the quantity of land held by the individuals subject to 
them : — Labor, unlaw ful recreations, unnecessary travel- 
ling, and improper conduct of any kind, w^ere prohibited 
on the Lord's day, and ministers were to be protected 
in the performance of public worship from all disturb- 



'" The town of Shrewsbury seems to sence. It is probable the difficulties of 

have given some trouble to the assembly travelling may have caused some irre- 

in sending deputies who refused on their gularity. A law was passed in 1676, 

arrival to take the necessary oaths ; this authorizing the deputies to impress ves- 

was provided for in 1676 by an act mak- sels, horses or men, to facilitate their 

ing any town liable to a fine of ten passage to and from the meetings of the 

pounds which should send such deputies, assembly. 

The consequence of this was, that the "** It is doubtful if these were gene- 
next year the member elected did not rally (if at all) provided. We have no 
attend, when an act was passed fining evidence that they were ever used or 
him ten shilUngs for every day's ab- needed. 



1(381.1 DISTURBANCES RENEWED. 79 

ances : — Births, deaths and marriages were to be re- 
corded : — Where no court existed, the people of the town 
were aiitliorized to choose persons to Ibrm a grand jury, 
who should be required under oath to take notice of all 
transgressions of the laws, and report them to the next 
court in the county ; a bounty of fifteen shillings was to 
be paid for wolves ; ammunition, arms and liquor were 
not to be sold to the Indians, nor their guns repaired ; 
the retailing of liquors in less quantity than a gallon was 
prohibited, except by the regularly licensed keepers of 
ordinaries in the different towns ; no hides were to be 
taken out of the province for sale ; leather, beef and pork 
were to be inspected and sealed ; and from time to time 
the value of country produce was rated, to facilitate ex- 
changes and the operations of barter : — The public charges 
were, at first, fifty pounds per an7ium, but subsequently 
they were doubled, and in 1680 they amounted to one 
hundred and ninety-six pounds ten shillings ; the pay of 
councillors and assembly men was three shillings per 
day, and the governor received four shillings per day 
extra during the sittings of the assembly : — Propagators 
of false news were to be fined ten shillings, which was 
also the punishment for the first offence of slander, the 
second offence being twenty shillings. ^^^ 

The unanimity which has been referred to as prevail- 
ing in the councils of the province, may have been partly 
owing to the existence of a common danger ; the gov- 
ernment of Andros not being desirable even by those 
unfavorably disposed towards Carteret, and leading them 
to co-operate with the friends of the proprietaries to a 
greater extent than would otherwise have been the case. 

"' Grants and Concessions. 



gQ ALTERCATION WITH THE ASSEMBLY. [16S1. 

So soon, however, as Carteret's authority was firmly 
estabhshed, mutual bickerings commenced. In October, 
1681, on the Assembly's convening at Elizabethtown, a 
violent discussion arose between the governor and his 
council, on one side, and the assembly on the other, as 
to the right of the proprietary to make alterations in the 
"Concessions" promulgated in 1665; the latter body 
being disposed to set aside those subsequent provisions 
which militated against the powers conferred upon them 
at first. Both parties were equally pertinacious, and to 
put an end to the fruitless altercation, the governor, for 
the first time in the history of New Jersey, dissolved the 
Assembly ; a measure against which the deputies pro- 
tested as one fatal to their rights and privileges, and 
which they pronounced inconsistent with the governor's 
commission and instructions.^'^" This was the last 
assembly during Governor Carteret's administration, for 
the ensuing year he resigned the government into other 
hands. 

It is necessary now to recur to the course of events 
in England. 

The exertions of the friends of the West Jersey set- 
tlers to obtain release from the imposition of duties on 
their imports were so well directed, and the illegality of 
the proceeding exhibited in such a spirited and able 
manner before the commissioners (to whom the Duke of 

"" Chalmers, p. 620. Captain Henry commission from the late governor." 

Greenland (of Piscataway) and Cap- The proceedings of these courts were 

tain Robert Vicars appear to have been also annulled. The act, however, so far 

instrumental in bringing about the disso- as it related to the disfranchisement of 

lution of the Assembly. In 1G83 an act Greenland was not confirmed by the 

was passed declaring them incapable of proprietaries. The exact nature of the 

holding ofllce in the province in conse- offence committed is not known. See 

quence of their conduct in 1681, and Note N. 
"siace, by keeping courts by special 



1680.1 OPINION RESPECTING CUSTOMS. 81 

York, wrought upon by their importunities, at last con- 
sented to refer the matter,) that Sir William Jones, 
whose opinion was solicited bj the commissioners with 
an understanding that they would abide by it, decided 
explicitly in favor of the complainants. " I am not satis- 
fied," said he, " that the duke can demand that or any 
other duty from the inhabitants of those lands," there 
being "no reservation of any profit, or so much as juris- 
diction" in the grants to Berkeley and Carteret. ^^'No 
farther plea for delay could be advanced by the duke, 
and he, therefore, in August 1680, confirmed West Jer- 
sey to the proprietors thereof, free and untrammelled ; 
and on the 10th October following, relinquished all his 
pretensions to East Jersey in favor of the grandson and 
heir of Sir George Carteret,'^- the result of which, was 
the notification to Andros, already mentioned. Grahame, 
in his History of the North American Colonies, — alluding 
to a document prepared and submitted to the commis- 
sioners by George Hutchison and other Quakers, under 
the supervision of William Penn, containing their argu- 
ments in opposition to the duke's claims, — observes : " I 
question if it be possible to point out in any of the writ- 
ings or harangues of which that period was so abun- 
dantly prolific, a more impressive or magnanimous effort 
for the preservation of liberty, than is evinced in this first 
successful vindication of the rights of New Jersey. One 
of the most remarkable features of the plea which the 
provincials had maintained, was the strong and delibe- 
rate assertion that no tax could be justly imposed on 
them, without their own consent and the authority of 
their own general assembly. The report of the com- 

1" Chalmers, p. 626. Grahame II., '« Bill in Chancery, p. 8. 
pp. 284, 285. See Note M. 

6 



32 DEATH OF SIR GEORGE CARTERET. [1681. 

missioners in their favor, and the relief that followed, 
were virtual concessions in favor of this principle, which 
in after ages was destined to obtain a more signal triumph 
in the independence of North America." ^^ 

Sir George Carteret died, as has been stated, in 
1679, and by his will, dated December 5th, 1678, left 
his widow Lady Elizabeth, executrix of his estate and 
guardian of his grandson and heir ; ^^^ and devised to Ed- 
ward, Earl of Sandwich ; John, Earl of Bath ; Hon. Ber- 
nard Granville, brother to the Earl of Bath ; Sir Thomas 
Crew, Kn't. ; Sir Robert Atkins, Knight of the Bath ; 
and Edward Atkins, Esq., one of the Barons of the 
Exchequer ; and their heirs, among other lands, all his 
property in East Jersey, in trust for the benefit of his 
creditors.'-^ These trustees, with the exception of the 
Earl of Sandwich, whose signature was not affixed to 
the documents, on 5th and 6th March, 1679-80, by lease 
and release conveyed the province with other property to 
Thomas Cremer and Thomas Pocock ; but, as no copies 
of these documents are known to exist, whether this 
transfer was for a special purpose, or failed of entire exe- 
cution for the want of the signature of the Earl of Sand- 
wich, has not been ascertained. It is certain, however, 
that on the 20th February following (1680-1,) the Earl 
of Sandwich released all his interest in the trust to his 
associates, and they again commenced negotiations for 
the sale of the province in accordance with the will of 



'«GrahameII.p.287. Edit.1837. For daughter of the Earl of Bath; a match 

the document see Smith's N. J., p. 117. agreed upon between the Earl and Sir 

'** Sir George's heir was son of Sir George, more effectually to connect the 

Philip, a deceased son, and was also friendship existing between the families. 

named George. He was married when »«* Bill in Chancery, p. 8. Grants and 

only eight years of age, to the youngest Concessions, p. 73. 



I 



1(582.] SALE OF THE PROVINCE. 83 

Sir George ; but failing to find a purchaser by private 
application/-'^ it was offered at public sale to the highest 
bidder : William Penn, with eleven associates of the 
Quaker persuasion, some of them already interested in 
West Jersey, becoming the purchasers for £3400.^^^ 
Their deeds of lease and release were dated 1st and 2d 
February 1681-2, and subsequently each of them sold 
one half of his respective right to a new associate, mak- 
ing in all twenty-four proprietaries/^® 



THE SEAL OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW JERSEY. 

The representation of this seal, given on the following page, is from 
an original impression in wax, in an imperfect state, attached to a com- 
mission bearing the joint names of Berkeley and Carteret, preserved in 
the Rutherfurd Collection of original papers. It is believed to be the 
only impression in existence. 

From the imperfect condition of the seal, a portion of the inscription 

'^ In a list of ancient MSS. adver- Secretary of State's Office at Trenton, 

tised for sale in London in 1835, was presented in 1834 by descendants of Cle- 

one with the following title. " A letter ment Plumstead, one of the grantees, 

from the Earl of Bath to Lord Norreys, Other originals are in the Rutherfurd 

dated April 16, 1681, being a proposal Collection, making it probable that each 

for the sale of the Province of New Jer- grantee received a set. Cremer and 

eey (it should have been East Jersey), a Pocock joined with the trustees in the 

country ahnost as large as England, be- execution of the papers, 
longing to the late George Carteret, for ^^ E. J. Records. Grants and Con- 

the small sum of between five and six cessions, p. 73. Bill in Chancery, p. 8. 

thousand pounds." Some of the original deeds from the first 

'*^ Grahame II., p. 289. N. J. Laws, to the second twelve are in the Ru- 

1834-5, p. 175. Originals of the Lease therfurd Collection, 
and Release to the twelve are in the 



84 



GOVERNOR CARTERET. 



[1682. 



was not visible ; but what was wanting has been supplied, and the whole 
is as perfect a representation as could be made. 




The centre contains the arms, in duplicate, of Sir George Carteret 
and Baron Berkeley, with their respective initials. 



GOVERNOR CARTERET. 



Of Philip Carteret's early life history is silent. He is introduced first 
to our notice on receiving the appointment of Governor of New Jersey 
from his brother ; but we are not permitted to know how much he had 
previously shared in the events, public and private, of that gay courtier's 
career. The peculiarities of character and disposition deducible from 
his ollicial acts are few, but generally they seem to have well fitted 
him for the situation to which he was appointed, and to have enabled 
him to meet, with credit to himself, the various trials of his adminis- 
tration. 

Equanimity of temper and firmness of purpose were assuredly his, 
for he never appears to have been led, amid all the factious broils which 
prevailed in his government, to the adoption of any measures marked 
by violence or injustice ; while at the same time he unwaveringly pursued 
that course which his judgment assured him was best calculated to ad- 
vance the prosperity of the province, and the interest of the proprieta- 
ries. His simplicity of manners was shown in the unostentatious way 
in which he entered upon the theatre of his official authority, going up 
from his vessel to the settlement with a hoe on his shoulder, " ihereby 



1682.] GOVERNOR CARTERET. 85 

intimating his intention," said his opponents subsequently, "of becoming 
a planter with them;" and his intercourse with the natives appears ever 
to have exhibited strict truth and equity. 

The Governor's permanent residence was at Elizabethtown, where 
the proprietaries had a house erected for him (afterward described as 
having " orchards and grounds" attached) but he does not appear to have 
had any family, other than a wife, who was living at the time of his 
death and inherited all his property, real and personal, within the prov- 
ince. She was the daughter of Richard Smith, of Smithtown, Long 
Island, and had previously been married to William Lawrence, of Tew's 
Neck, by whom she had children whom she brought with her to New 
Jersey. She became the wife of Governor Carteret, in April, 16S1, and 
on his death returned to Long Island. She was a woman of more than 
ordinary endowments and strength of intellect."^' 

The Governor received from his brother a grant of two thousand 
acres of land, and made several purchases of other tracts; but he did not 
live to realize any anticipations of profit he may have formed from the 
growth of East Jersey, for he died in December, 1682, less than two 
months after resigning his authority into the hands of his successor. In 
his will he directed his body to be deposited, if permission could be ob- 
tained, in the " Vault of Governor Stephenson's (Stuyvesant's) Dowry, 
otherways Liberty to be purchased in the Church at New York." In 
which of these places the remains of the first Governor of New Jersey 
were deposited cannot now be determined.'^" 

From the light thrown upon it by the brief records of the past, the 
administration of Philip Carteret merits the favorable consideration of 
the historian, although in some of its features not to be deemed faultless. 

A representation of his official seal will be found appended to Note I. 



Among the other authorities quoted in the course of the foregoing 
portion of the narrative, frequent reference has been made to the Eliza- 

^'■'^ Thompson's Long Island, II., pp. burial, upon the authority of tradition. 

364-5. Mr. Thompson is wrong in his His will was dated December 10th, 

assertion that she was left in charge of 1682. His property in the island of 

the province when the governor went to Jersey he left to his mother, Rachel 

Europe, for they were not then married, Carteret, during her life, and at its close 

and the Lady Elizabeth Carteret, whose it was to descend equally to the children 

name he finds in some of the Documents of his brothers and sisters ; and he di- 

of the time was the widow and executrix rected that "two quarters of wheat" 

of Sir George. should yearly, for ever, be distributed to 

'^ Murray's Historical Notes on Eli- the poor in the parish of St. Peters in 

zabethtown, recently published, gives that island, to be paid for out of his es- 

that town as the place of the governor's tate. E. J. Records, Liber A. pp. 17-18. 



Qg ELIZABETHTOWN BILL IN CHANCERY. [1682. 

bethtown Bill in Chancery, and the answer thereto ; growing out of the 
litigation which ensued from the conflicting grants of Nicholls and Car- 
eret. The first was printed by James Parker, in 1747, and has the fol- 
lowing title : 

" A Bill in the Chancery of New Jersey, at the suit of John, Earl of 
5fair, and others, Proprietors of the Eastern Division of iVew Jersey; 
against Benjamin Bond and some other Persons of Elizabelhtown, dis- 
tinguished by the JName of the Clinker Lot Right Men. With Three 
large Maps done from Copper Plates.— To which is added; The Publi- 
cations of The Council of Proprietors of East New Jersey, and Mr. Ne- 
vilfs speeches to the General Assembly, Concerning The Riots commit- 
ted in New Jersey, and The pretences of the Rioters, and their Seducers. 

These papers will give a better Light into the History and Constitu- 
tion of New Jersey, Ihan any Thing hitherto published, the Matters 
whereof have been chiefly collected from Records." 
"Published by Subscription." 

The Bill is signed by James Alexander and Joseph Murray, of Coun- 
cil for the Complainants ; and, as printed, makes, with the accompanying 
documents, a folio volume of more than one hundred and sixty pages. 

The answer was printed also by James Parker, but five years later, 
(1752,) and is entitled — "An answer to a Bill in the Chancery of New 
Jersey, at the suit of John Earl of Stair, and others, commonly called 
Proprietors of the Eastern Division of New Jersey, against Benjamin 
Bond,, and others claiming under the original Proprietors and Associates 
of Elizabeth-town. To ivhich is added ; Nothing either of The Publica- 
tions of The Council of Proprietors of East New Jersey, or of The Pre- 
tences of the Rioters, and their Seducers ; except so far as the Persons 
meant by Rioters, Pretend Title against The Parties to the above answer ; 
but a great Deal of the Controversy, Though Much Less of the History 
and Constitution of New Jersey, than the said Bill. — Audi Alteram Par- 
tem. Published by Subscription." 

This answer is signed by William Livingston, and William Smith, 
Junr., of Counsel for the Defendants, and makes a printed folio of forty- 
eight pages. There are very few copies in existence ; the writer has 
never seen but one, which is in his own possession. 

The Controversy to which these publications refer was never legally 
concluded. Before a decision could be obtained, the exciting events of 
the revolution commenced to agitate the country; the entire cessation of 
legal business, which ensued, put a stop to the progress of the suit, and 
it has never been renewed. It would exceed the scope of this work, and 
occupy much space, very little to the satisfaction of the reader, to enter 
here upon an examination of the merits of this case. The bill of the 



1682.1 NEW JERSEY GRANTS AND CONCESSIONS. QT 

Complainants is certainly drawn up with great ability, and presents their 
claims in a light which cannot fail to afford entire satisfaction of their 
justness and propriety. 

The volume of " Grants and Concessions," which is also frequently 
quoted, was compiled by Aaron Learning and Jacob Spicer, under an 
Act of the Provincial Assembly, and published in 1758. It contains all 
the principal documents referring to the settlement and transfers of both 
East and West Jersey, with the acts of their respective Assemblies prior 
to the surrender of the government to Q,ueen Anne. The volume is 
quoted mainly for the convenience of the reader, for so far as the purposes 
of the author required a reference to the documents it contains, the 
Records of the Eastern Proprietary office might with propriety have been 
substituted as his authority, — most of the matter in the volume referring 
to East Jersey, having been there consulted and examined. 



PERIOD III. 

FROM THE TRANSFER OF EAST JERSEY TO THE TWENTY- 
FOUR PROPRIETARIES TO THE SUBVERSION OF THE AU- 
THORITY OF ANDROS. 

1682—1689. 

On the 14th March, 1682-3, the Duke of York confirmed 
the sale of the province to the twenty-four proprietaries, 
by giving a new grant more full and explicit than any 
previous one in which their names are inserted in the 
followine: order : James Earl of Perth, John Drum- 
mond, Robert Barclay, David Barclay, Robert Gordon, 
Arent Sonmans, William Penn, Robert West, Thomas 
Rudyard, Sanmel Broome, Thomas Hart, Richard Mew, 
Ambrose Riggs, John Haywood, Hugh Hartshorne, Cle- 
ment Plumstead, Thomas Cooper, Gawen Lawrie, Ed- 
ward Byllinge, James Braine, William Gibson, Thomas 
Barker, Robert Turner and Thomas Warne ;^ those in 
italics being the names of eleven of the first twelve, 



' E. J. Records, A. p. 53. Grants 
and Concessions, p. 141. Bill in Chan- 
cery, p. 9. Gordon gives as " the addi- 
tional twelve," the names of thirteen, 
among them Sir George Mackenzie, 
(not the " bloody Mackenzie" of Scot- 
tish history, as stated by Grahame,) 



Robert Burnet, Peter Sonmans, Thomas 
Cox and William Dockwra, who were all 
subsequent purchasers. Robert Turner, 
he calls Gawen Turner, and Thomas 
Warne.Thomas Nairne, possibly clerical 
or typographical errors. See Notes 0. 
and P. 



1682.1 ROBERT BARCLAY GOVERNOR. 89 

Thomas Wilcox, the twelfth, having parted with his 
entire interest. There was a strange minghng of pro- 
fessions, reHgions, and characters in these proprietaries, 
among them being, as an EngUsh writer observes, "high 
prerogative men, (especially those from Scotland,) dis- 
senters, papists and Quakers."^ 

The first twelve proprietaries were most of them, if 
not all, Quakers, and the majority of the settlers being 
of other religious sects, the connection with the other 
twelve, drawn as they were principally from Scotland, 
and many of them so uncongenial in character and poh- 
tical principles to Penn and his associates, may have 
been with a view either to allay the jealousy with which 
a government entirely composed of Quakers might have 
been regarded by the inhabitants, or to fortify their in- 
terest at court by engaging in the undertaking persons 
of influence.^ Whether this last was an object with them 
or not, they were enabled to obtain a letter from the 
king, addressed to the governor, council and inhabitants 
of the province, commanding obedience to their laws and 
government as absolute proprietors thereof.^ 

Among the names of the twenty-four proprietaries 
will be found that of Robert Barclay of Urie, a Scottish 
gentleman, a Quaker by profession, and a personal friend 
of William Penn. Him they selected to be governor of 
the province, being "admired," says Grahame, "by scho- 
lars and philosophers for the stretch of his learning and 
the strength^ and subtilty of his understanding, and en- 



^ V/ynne's British Empire, I. p. 206. been a man of strong mind, but there 

^ Grahame's U. S., and see Scot's was some degree of weakness exhibited 

Model, pp. 217,218. by him in connection with his rehgious 

* Grants and Concessions, p. 151. belief For example, in 1672 he walked 

' He is generally considered to have the streets of Aberdeen in sackcloth 



90 ROBERT BARCLAY GOVERNOR. [1682. 

deared to the members of his religious fraternity by the 
liveliness of his zeal, the excellence of his character, and 
the services which his pen had rendered to their cause." 

Barclay's education had been received at Paris, under 
the superintendence of an uncle, — the principal of the 
Scot's College in that city, — through whose influence 
he was induced to become a Roman Catholic. In con- 
sequence of this he was recalled by his father, and both 
of them soon after became Quakers. The son gave 
to the world several works in defence of the prin- 
ciples they had espoused, but that for which he became 
most celebrated was one, written in the Latin language, 
entitled " An apology for the true Christian divinity, as 
the same is preached and held forth by the people, in 
scorn, called Quakers." This procured him the appel- 
lation of ' the apologist.' His writings, in general, are 
said to have been more calculated to dazzle and con- 
found the understanding, than to produce conviction or 
sink into the heart. 

Barclay was selected, from the belief that he united 
every desirable qualification for the office conferred, being 
equally capable of excelling in worldly matters as in 
those of a spiritual nature, and possessing great influ- 
ence, not only among the Quakers, but also with the 
king and the Duke of York, to both of whom he seems 
so to have recommended himself by his genius and ad- 
dress as to have maintained with them, and with several 
of their most distinguished adherents, a friendly and con- 
fidential intercourse.^ The confidence placed in him by 
his fellow proprietaries, and the high anticipations formed 

and ashes, in accortiance with a pre- « Grahame II., pp. 291,292, (Edit, 
sumed divine command. See Spencer's 1837,) EncyclopEedia Americana, and 
English Traveller, p. 651. see Note Q. 



1682.1 CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE. 9I 

of the effects of his government on the interests of their 
province, were such as to lead them to commission him 
subsequently as governor for life ;'' and, as if his name 
alone were " a tower of strength," he was not required 
to visit East Jersey in person, being permitted to exer- 
cise his authority by deputy. The gentleman he selected 
for that office was Thomas Rudyard, an eminent lawyer 
of London and one of the proprietaries. 

At the time of the transfer of East Jersey to the 
twenty-four, the population of the different towns is es- 
timated to have been three thousand five hundred, and 
the families scattered on plantations throughout the pro- 
vince to have numbered half as many more, making 
the entire population over five thousand souls. ^ Previous 
to the establishment of an Assembly in New York, which 
was not until the arrival of Governor Dongan in 1683, 
the political institutions of East Jersey were so much 
more liberal in their character, that emigration from the 
former province became desirable to all appreciating the 
blessings of civil and religious liberty ; and had it not 
been for the unfortunate dissensions respecting the right 
of soil, the inhabitants of the province would have been 
far more numerous. What population there was, how- 
ever, was unceremoniously transferred with the soil, and 
placed under the government of rulers with whose ele- 
vation to power the people had had nothing to do. 

There were eight or ten towns or villages existing 
which were then situated as follows : 

Shrewsbury, had a population of about four hun- 

^ Grants and Concessions, p. 168. viously, for on September 16th, 1682, 

This was dated July 17th, 1683, but he he commissioned Rudyard as his deputy. 

had been commissioned, or at least E. J. Records, C. p. 2. 
acted as governor some months pre- ^ Smith's N. J., p. 161. 



92 CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE. [1682. 

dred. Ten thousand acres are said to have been taken 
up hy the town, with plantations contiguous that com- 
prised twenty thousand more. Within the limits of this 
township, Colonel Lewis Morris of Barbadoes, an ances- 
tor of the family of that name subsequently of note in 
both New Jersey and New York, had extensive iron 
works, em})loying sixty or seventy negroes in addition to 
white servants and dependents.^ This was the most 
southern settlement in the province. 

MiDDLETOWN was about equal in extent to Shrews- 
bury, and contained about five hundred inhabitants. The 
plantations in the vicinity of this town were considerably 
improved. 

PiscATAWAY had about four hundred inhabitants, 
and forty thousand acres, or thereabout, were taken up 
for the town and out plantations. There were planta- 
tions both above and below the town on the Raritan, 
and some land on Millstone river was also located. ^° 

WooDBRiDGE had its ten thousand acres for the town, 
and twenty thousand for the adjoining plantations, seve- 

' The land (3540 acres,) was granted by the carting and carrying of llie said 

to him, October 25, 1676. Full liberty mine to the work." E. J. Records, B., 

was given to him and his associates " to p. 155. 

dig, delve, and carry away all such '" Governor Carteret, John Palmer of 

mines for Iron as they shall find or see Staten Island, Gabriel Mienville,Thomas 

fit to dig and carry away to the iron Codrington, John White, John Deia- 

work, or that shall be found in that valle, Richard Hall, John Royse of New 

tract of land that lies inclosed between York, James Graham, Cornelius Corsen, 

the southeast branch of the Raritan Samuel Winder, Robert Vanquellin, 

river and the Whale pond on the sea John Robinson, William Pinhorne, 

side, and is bounded from thence by the Richard Jones and Matthew Taylor, had 

sea and branch of the sea to the east- plantations, or were interested in the 

ward to the Raritan river, he or they lands on the river Raritan. Their deeds 

paying all such just damages to the were obtained in 1681. See Bill in 

owners of the land where they shall dig Chancery, p. 53, for the bounds of their 

mine, as shall be judged is done by respective grants, 
trespass of cattle or otherwise sustained 



1682.] CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE. 93 

ral of these being improved ; and that section of the 
province appears to have been highly estimated by set- 
tlers. A court house and prison were there, although 
we may presume them to have been of humble charac- 
ter, and the possession of a charter gave to the town a 
peculiar consideration in the province. Its population 
was about six hundred. 

Elizabethtown was a place of considerable impor- 
tance, comprising within its limits about seven hundred 
inhabitants, the home lots and out plantations containing 
forty thousand acres ; it was the seat of government and 
the place where the principal officers resided, " a house, 
orchards and farm within the town" having been since 
1664 occupied by Governor Carteret. 

Newark was the most compact town in the pro- 
vince ; about ten thousand acres were taken up for its 
accommodation, and its out plantations covered forty 
thousand more ; in addition to these, the plantations of 
Sandford, Kingsland, Berry, Pinhorne, and others upon 
the Passaic and Hackinsack rivers, were also included 
within its jurisdiction. The plantation of Pinhorne and 
Eickbe near " Snake Hill," (so called as early as 1664,) 
is particularly noticed as being valued at one thousand 
pounds ; and Berry and his neighbors are represented as ' 
having forty or more negroes engaged in clearing and 
improving their plantations. The town of Newark con- 
tained about five hundred people. 

Bergen contained about three hundred and fifty 
inhabitants, and included with its adjoining plantations 
sixty thousand acres of land ; it took within its jurisdic- 
tion several improved plantations on the Hackinsack 
river. New York bay, and the Kill Van Kull, one in par- 
ticular on Bergen Point of twelve or fifteen hundred 



94 CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE. [1682. 

acres, first settled by Samuel Edsall during the adminis- 
tration of Colonel Nicholls, was worth six or seven 
hundred pounds. Bergen also included several growing 
villages on the site of the present Pembrepock, Commu- 
nipau and Paulus Hook, comprising in all three hundred 
and fifty or four hundred inhabitants. There was a set- 
dement also at Hoboken, then called Hobuck, and a mill 
was erected there belonging to a resident of New York. 
There were other plantations located farther up on Hud- 
son river.^^ 

The inhabitants of Bergen, Middletown, Shrews- 
bury, Woodbridge and Piscataway, as has been already 
stated, enjoyed the advantages of charters, which ena- 
bled them more directly to regulate their local affairs, 
and Newark was under the government of its select men, 
chosen after the manner of New England towns ; but 
in 1675 the whole province was placed under the juris- 
diction of county courts. Bergen and the adjacent 
plantations received one, Elizabethtown and Newark 
another, Woodbridge and Piscataway the third, Middle- 
town and Shrewsbury the fourth. These courts held 
two sessions yearly, and a court of assize was established 
holding only one. Subsequently, during the same year, 
monthly courts for the trial of small causes were created 
in all the towns, composed of three judges chosen an- 
nually for the purpose. 

Much of the province was yet an unexplored wilder- 
ness, or one which had been traversed only by the hunter 
of the wild game that abounded, or the no less hardy 

" This account of the province is Scot's Model, (appended to this volume,) 

principally from a report by " Captain pp. 128 to 144. Smith extracts from it 

Nicholls, secretary of the Duke of York in his History, but does not say where 

for the province of New York," in he obtained it. 



1682.] ARRIVAL OF DEPUTY-GOVERNOR. 95 

seeker after desirable tracts of land. A single road, or 
more probably a bridle path, afforded the only means of 
communication with West Jersey, crossing the Raritan 
at Inian's Ferry, now New Brunswick, and the different 
rivers and streams were the principal avenues whereby 
intercourse was kept up in other directions. In 1677 
William Edmundson, travelling southward from New 
York, says that, — in going from Middletown to the Del- 
aware river, although with an Indian guide, — he was 
unable for a whole day to discover the proper course, and 
he was obliged to go back until his guide could strike 
the Raritan. They then followed its margin until they 
came to a " small landing from New York" — probably 
the ferry above mentioned — and thence wended their 
way along a small path to Delaware falls. He says, 
" we saw no tame animals in all the way.'"^ What an 
agreeable contrast to this picture does the interior of the 
state now present ! The mind can scarcely seize the 
fact that, one hundred and seventy years ago, where 
now are beheld cultivated fields and the comfortable 
abodes of man, every thing should have worn so wild 
an aspect. 

Such was the condition of East Jersey on the arrival 
of Deputy Governor Rudyard, accompanied by Samuel 
Groome, as Receiver and Surveyor General, in 1682.^^ 
The impression made upon both by the condition and 
advantages of the country was highly favorable. Rud- 
yard, in a letter to his associates in London, dated the 
30th May following, states at length his own views res- 

'* Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, day, September 16, 1682, and arrived 

p, 91, note. in the province November I3th, 1682. 

'■' Groome was also a proprietor. E. J. Records, C, pp. 2-5. Stirling's 

They were both appointed the same Billin Chancery ns. John Hunt, p. 9. 



96 RUD YARD'S OPINIOX OF EAST JERSEY. [1682. 

pecting the province, giving it the preference on some 
accounts over West Jersey and Pennsylvania, both of 
which provinces he had visited, and informs them that 
WilUam Penn, who had arrived at Pennsylvania in Oc- 
tober previous, on taking a survey of the land, " said he 
had never seen such before in his life." "The people," 
says Rudyard, " are generally a sober professing people, 
wise in their generation, courteous in their behavior and 
respectful to us in office among them ;" * * " there 
is not an industrious man, but by God's blessing, may 
not only have a comfortable but plentiful supply of 
all things necessary for this life." And he portrays the 
delights of the climate, and the goodness of the soil, 
evinced by its manifold and bountiful productions, in a 
manner that shows his satisfaction with his adopted coun- 
try. Groome, also, wrote in exalted terms of the " bra- 
veries of the land," and of the readiness exhibited by 
the inhabitants of other provinces to remove to East Jer- 
sey so soon as lands could be allotted them.^^ 

On the 13th December following his arrival, Rud- 
yard appointed as his councillors, Colonel Lewis Morris, 
Colonel John Berry, Captain John Palmer, Captain Wil- 
liam Sandford, Lawrence Andros or Anderson, and Ben- 
jamin Price, before whom, on the 20th December, he 
was sworn into office as deputy governor. He had pre- 
viously (on the 1st) taken the oaths as chief register of 
the proprietors, to which office he had also been ap- 
pointed.^^ 



" See their Letters in Scot's Model, gration, was brought back to the pro\ - 
pp. 146-160. Groome's letter, after per- ince, and is now in the Rutherfurd Col- 
forming its journey to Scotland, and lection of Original Papers, in a good 
being there widely circulated, exerting state of preservation, 
considerable influer.ce in inducing ami- '* E. J. Records, C. p. 5. 



168-2.] PROPRIETARIES' LETTER TO THE PLANTERS. 97 

^ He was furnished with a letter to the planters and 
inhabitants, expressing the hope of the proprietaries that 
harmony and friendly feelings would prevail between the 
governors and the governed, and stating the obligations 
which they conceived were imposed on them to use all law- 
ful and just means to make the province prosperous ; in 
which event they were all alike interested ; for, as they 
expressed themselves, " the satisfaction and benefit we 
propose to ourselves, is by the good success of your af- 
fairs, which we are resolved to advance, knowing that 
your interest is now so bound up with ours, that we 
cannot suffer if you prosper, nor prosper where you are 
injured." ^'^ The nature of their instructions to the de- 
puty governor does not appear from the records, but we 
may safely presume them to have accorded with the 
mild, sincere, and reasonable language of their letter, 
and to have conduced therewith to the establishment of 
the peace and order that followed.^' 

The previous " concessions" were confirmed, and an 
Assembly called by Rudyard, which convened at Eliza- 
bethtown, in March 1682-3, and held two subsequent 
sessions during the year, passed several acts of import- 
ance tending to the well being of the province. Among 
others, were the following :— An act dividing the province 
into four counties and appointing a high sheriff for each ; 
' Bergen' included all the settlements between the Hud- 
son and Hackinsack rivers, and extended to the northern 
bounds of the province ; ' Essex' included all the country 
north of the dividing line between Woodbridge and Eliz- 

>«Gmnts and Concessions, p. 167. have little effect, Rudyard received 
These instructions, although not a proclamation from Charles, dated No- 
on record, are referred to in subsequent vember 3, 1683, commandivg obedience 
directions to Lawrie. For those on to the proprietaries. E. J. Records, A. 
whom the language of persuasion might p. 1. 



98 NEW LAWS. [1683. 

abethtovvn, and west of the Hackinsack ; 'Middlesex,' 
all from the Woodbridge line on the north to Cheese- 
quake harbor on the southeast, and back southw est and 
northwest to the province bounds ; and ' Monmouth' com- 
prised the residue : — Acts, modifying to some extent the 
character, jurisdiction and proceedings of the county and 
other courts, and remodelling the criminal and penal 
(.Q(jes ; — Fugitive servants, and those who might abduct 
them, were made liable to penalties and punishment : — 
No freeman was to be imprisoned save by the judgment 
of his peers : — Resisters of authority, profane swearers, 
drunkards, incestuous and lewd persons, and Sabbath 
breakers, were made subjects of special acts : — Trading 
with negro slaves was forbidden, and intercourse with 
the Indians regulated ; the formation of treaties with 
them being prohibited save by the authority of the gov- 
ernor : — Commissioners were appointed in the different 
counties to lay out roads and settle landings, bridges and 
ferries : — Different acts regulated the recovery of debts 
from non-residents, and required strangers to give bonds 
to prosecute before they could procure the arrest of any 
individual : — Jails and pounds were to be erected in the 
several counties and towns : — Vexatious delays in pro- 
ceedings at law were guarded against ; the militia laws 
remodelled ; and such was still the danger from wolves, 
that the bounty upon their heads was continued : — Each 
town was required to pay its own deputies, at the rate 
of four shillings per day, and absent representatives were 
fined five shillings per day : — Fifty pounds were levied 
on the different counties to defray the public charges. ^^ 
The administration of Rudyard appears to have been 

"* Grants and Concessions. Bergen was assessed iJll, Essex ;ei4, Middlesex 
£10, Monmouth £15. 



1683. J RUDYARD SUPERSEDED. qq 

productive of beneficial results. By his judicious pro- 
ceedings he seems to have overcome effectually anj op- 
position entertained by the people to the authority 
established over them so unceremoniously, and to have 
secured a good degree of harmony among the varied 
interests and discordant principles prevailing in the 
province. 

In the laying out and allotting lands, the deputy 
governor adopted a course which, as it was at variance 
with the views of Groome, the surveyor general, led to 
the suspension of that functionary from office. The 
proprietaries in England, however, although they ac- 
knowledged the great services he had rendered them in 
curbing the tumultuous spirits in the province,^^ did not 
approve of Rudyard's conduct in this matter; they, 
therefore, re-instated their surveyor-general, annulled all 
grants that had not been regularly surveyed by him, and 
deemed it advisable to appoint another deputy-governor, 
permitting Rudyard to retain the office of secretary and 
register, the duties of which he performed until the close 
of 1685, when he left the province for Jamaica.-'' 

The person now selected to represent the virtuous 
Robert Barclay, was one of his own profession, Gawen 
Lawrie, a merchant of London and a proprietary, who, 
as one of the Byllinge's trustees, was already deeply 
interested in West Jersey. Although he may not have 
occupied as elevated a position in society as the eminent 
lawyer whom he superseded, yet Lawrie possessed qual- 

'» Rudyard says, in a letter to the that " the tumultuous spirits" permit 

proprietaries, preserved in Scot's Mo- ted. 

del, "I believe it [the province,] hath «' In August, 1684, he was allowed 

been very unhappy heretofore under an two hundred pounds for his services as 

ill managed government," but Carteret's governor. Grants and Concessions, p. 

administration had certainly been all 197. 



100 GAWEN LAWRIE DEPUTY GOVERNOR. [1684. 

ifications which were well calculated to fit him for the 
situation to which he was appointed ; intelligence, acti- 
vity, energy and business habits being made conspicuous 
in his management of affairs. His commission was 
dated at London in July, 1683,^' but he did not arrive 
in the province until the beginning of the following year, 
his commission being read in council, and the oath of 
office administered to him on 28th February.^ 

The new deputy-governor brought out with him a code 
of general laws, or " Fundamental Constitutions" as they 
were called, consisting of twenty-four chapters, or arti- 



*' Grants and Concessions, p. 168. 
** He says in his letter to the proprie- 
tors in England, preserved in " Scot's 
Model," that his commission was pub- 
lished before his council on that day, 
March 2d, but the records show that it 
was done on the 28th February. It is 
probable his letter was dated after it was 
written, to correspond with the time of 
its departure. The council of his pre- 
decessor received him courteously, and 
he appears to have continued the mem- 
bers in office, or, at least, made no new 
appointments, until November 26, 1684, 
when Colonel Lewis Morris and Richard 
Hartshorne, of Monmouth ; Major Ber- 
ry, of Bergen ; Major Sandford and 
Isaac Kingsland, of Neio Barhadoes ; 
Captain Thomas Codringrton, of Raca- 
wackhana, Middlesex ; Benj. Price and 
Henry Lyons, of Elizahnthtoicn ; and 
Samuel Dennis, of Woodbridge, were 
selected. Smith (p. 175,) gives to these 
gentlemen the credit of quieting, by their 
prudent conduct, considerable disturb- 
ance in the province, particularly about 
Middletown and Woodbridge, " relating 
to town affairs." Colonel Morris was 
himself imprisoned in a log house on 



one occasion, but his partisans raised 
the logs sufficiently for him to escape. 
Although this circumstance is introduced 
by Smith as occurring about this time, 
the author is disposed to place it later. 
Among the MSS. of the New Jersey 
Historical Society is the following docu- 
ment : " Att the Court of Comon Right 
held at Perth Amboy ye 11th day of 
May, 1698, The Court orders That 
Lewis Morriss Esqr. for denying ye 
Authoritie of this Court, And other his 
contempts, shall be fined fifty pounds, 
and be committed to prison till paid. By 
order of ye court Edward Slater Gierke. 
To ye Sheriff of ye County of Middx: 
A True Coppy 

Joseph Rolph Shr'f." 
The reader will find that in 1698 se- 
rious difficulties existed in the province, 
but they did not refer particularly to 
" town affairs," so that there may have 
been two imprisonments. Mr. Morris 
was certainly not ashamed of the trans- 
action, for the document was carefully 
preserved among his papers, endorsed 
" Minute of ye Ct. of common Right, 
fining and Committing L. M." 



[1684. FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONS. jqj 

cles, adopted by the proprietaries in England for the 
government of the province, which differed in some par- 
ticulars from the ' Concessions' of Berkeley and Car- 
teret, and was deemed by its framers so superior to them 
that its privileges and benefits were to be extended only 
to those who would submit to a re-survey and approval 
of their several grants, arrange for the payment of all 
arrearages of quit rents, and agree to pass an act for the 
permanent support of government ; all others were to 
be ruled in accordance with the Concessions.^^ 

A comparison of the two codes, presents no features 
in that now offered for the approbation of the inhabit- 
ants, warranting the high estimation of the proprieta- 
ries ; on the contrary, there were many points upon which 
the people might naturally be expected to object to its 
introduction, Lawrie, himself, appears to have been 
convinced of the impropriety of putting it in operation, by 
taking no steps to effect it. That this was acting wisely 
there can be no doubt. The adoption of the new code 
would necessarily have brought the greatest confusion 
into the administration of the government, for as an uni- 
form compliance with the terms proposed could not have 
been expected, the tendency of the proprietary instruc- 
tions was actually to establish two distinct classes, subject 
to different laws, bound to the performance of different 
duties, and enjoying different privileges. This was a 

^ Grants and Concessions, pp. 153- great means to satisfy them : and also we 

181 : and see Note R. "We recommend desire that he may as soon as possible he 

him to take care to let the people rightly can, order it to be passed in an Assem- 

understand the advantages yielded to bly, and settle the country accordingly 

them by this scheme of government now thereto." Proprietaries' 13th Instruction 

sent over, and how much it exceeds their to Lawrie. They little understood the 

former concessions, which, if rightly un- temper of their subjects. 
derstood by them, we hope will be a 



102 LAWRIE'S OPINIONS OF THE PROVINCE. [1684. 

sufficient reason for the non-adoption of the " funda- 
mental constitutions," but it is probable, likewise, that 
the terms were thought too harsh, their acceptance by 
the people involving the destruction of a system of gov- 
ernment already established and tried, and which, in all 
its general characteristics, was in accordance with their 
views. Through the discretion of Lawrie, therefore, 
the civil polity of the province remained unchanged.^'' 

The province made as favorable an impression upon 
Lawrie, as it had upon his predecessor, and he is warm 
in his expressions of satisfaction, not only with the aspect 
of the country, but also in regard to the condition of the 
people he was sent to govern. " There is not a poor 
body in all the province, nor that wants," wrote he to the 
proprietaries in England ; and he urged them to hasten 
emigration as rapidly as possible, with the annunciation 
" here wants nothing but people ;" his discerning mind 
at once discovering in the sparseness of the population, 
and especially of the class favorable to the proprietary 
interest, one great cause of the difficulties his prede- 
cessors had encountered. Emigration, he thought, would 
" bring all the division that hath been here to an end, 
for these men seeing that they shall be balanced, are 
already more compliant than they were." 

^* Gordon says " the new proprieta- possible for you to understand what is 

ries do not appear to have deemed any for the good of the province as I do that 

modification of the civil polity of the am here." Instructions were subse- 

country necessary." Why then propose quently given, (August, 1684,) providing 

the new code 1 It is probable that for the adoption of the " Fundamental 

Lawrie had reference to the adoption of Constitutions" by the Assembly before 

this new system, when, shortly after his putting them in force, and authorizing 

arrival he wrote to the proprietaries, " I the confirmation of the acts of that 

cannot at present mention all particu- body as constituted under the Conces- 

lars, which you must supply by some sions. Grants and Concessions, p. 196. 
general clauses or words, for it is not 



1684.] BRIEF ACCOUNT OF EAST JERSEY. jqo 

The proprietaries had not been so unmindful of their 
interests as not to make strenuous exertions to induce 
the removal of planters and others to their newly acquired 
territory. The first twelve associates, directly after re- 
ceiving their deed from the trustees of Carteret, pub- 
lished a " Brief Account of East Jersey," in which they 
presented in the most favorable light its advantages of 
situation, climate and fertility, and set forth the comforts, 
conveniences and productions which the cultivator of the 
soil, the tradesman, or the mechanic could so readily ren- 
der available for his ease and profit within its limits.^^ 

This publication, aided by the personal influence of 
Governor Barclay and the other Scotch proprietaries, 
created considerable interest for the province in the 
minds of many of their countrymen, at that time dis- 
satisfied with their political condition and suffering under 
religious persecution.^'' A number of emigrants were 
consequently soon in motion, and Lawrie, writing in 
March 1684, says those who w^ere then arriving would 
have a tendency to advance the country beyond all its 
improvement during several preceding years. Many of 
these early settlers were sent out in the employ of the 
different proprietaries and most prominent landholders, 
or under such agreements as would afford to them the 
benefits of the " head-land" grants for each individual 
brought into the province ; fifty acres being allowed to 
each master of a family, and twenty-five acres for each 
person composing it, whether wife, child or servant, each 

^ See Note S. for this puhlication at &c., London, 16S7, by Rich'd Blome." 

length. It is the basis of all the informa- Frequently quoted, though abounding in 

tion upon East .Jersey in Blome's Book, errors. 

entitled " The Present State of His Ma- ^^ Grahame IL, p. 293. [Edit, 1837.] 
jesty's Isles and Territories in America, 



104 SCOT'S MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT. [1685. 

servant to be bound three }ears, at the expiration of 
which time he or she was to be allowed to take up thirty 
acres on separate account.^^ 

Although partial success thus attended the exertions 
of the proprietaries to people their province, they found 
too many prejudices and objections prevailing among the 
Scots for the current of emigration to continue. Not- 
withstanding the disadvantages and sufferings under 
which their countrymen labored, and from which they 
could be saved by a transfer of themselves, their families 
and substance to this new land, a voluntary and perpe- 
tual exile, in connection with national and religious ob- 
jections, seemed to enshroud that proposed refuge in 
clouds of doubt and uncertainty, too dark for the eyes 
of many to penetrate sufficiently to behold the bright 
prospects which the sacrifice required of them would 
purchase. The proprietaries, therefore, determined to 
enlighten the public more fully in relation to East Jersey 
by publishing a historical and statistical account, more 
particular in its details than their first publication ; and 
in 1685, George Scot of Pitlochie, at their instance, 
wrote a work entitled " The Model of the Government 
of the Province of East Jersey in America, '' in which 
the objections to emigration were refuted, and the con- 
dition of the province stated at length. Its effect was 

" Brief account of East Jersey. 1G83,) 6 ; Stephen and Thomas Warne, 

Among those availing themselves of this 11; Robert Fullerton, 9 ; Jc4ia Camp- 

privilege, the following persons are bell, 8 ; Captain Andrew Hamilton, 10 ; 

named in the Records: December 16, David Mudie, 17; Lord Neil Camp- 

1684, Ga wen La wrie, 8 persons: Wm. bell, (December, 1685,) 56; James 

Haige, 8 ; the Scotch Proprietaries 22 Johnston, 9 ; John Forbes, 4 ; George 

and 2 overseers; Capt. Thomas Pear- Keith, 6; Charles Gordon, 5. Many 

son, (November 1684,) 14 ; Wm. Dock- of these became prominent and influcif- 

wra, (December 1684,) 24, and subse- cntial individuals in the province, 
quently 10 more ; John Barclay, (March 



1685.] INSTRUCTIONS OF THE PROPRIETARIES. 105 

highlj beneficial, particularly as the author added exam- 
pie to precept hy embarking himself and family for East 
Jersey. He was accompanied by nearly two hundred 
persons, and sailed from Scotland about August 1st, 
1685, but both himself and wife died on the passage.^" 
Other companies followed, and, to use the words of 
Graliame, "American society was enriched with a valua- 
ble accession of virtue that had been refined by adver- 
sity, and piety that was invigorated by persecution." 

The instructions of the proprietaries to the deputy- 
governor, so far as they refer to the dissensions in the 
province, were of a nature to sooth the irritated feelings 
of tiie colonists, and restore tranquillity. Mild in their 
language, they were yet firm in requiring the execution 
of engagements which they considered justice to them- 
selves and other settlers called upon them to enforce, 
but they rendered their performance comparatively easy, 
by investing Lawrie with all authority necessary to 
make such arrangements with the delinquents as in his 
discretion he might see meet, " not standing much with 
them upon small matters." The opposition to the title 
of the proprietaries, although quieted by these means, 
was not by any means destroyed. Addresses were pre- 
sented to the first of the body that came to the province, 
setting forth the claims under the Indian purchasers, and 
the alleged evils to which the claimants had been sub- 
jected. These were answered in a dignified letter,^^ in 
which it was justly remarked that those who, under any 
pretence, would endeavor to subvert or weaken the pro- 
prietary authority could neither be their friends nor the 

'* See the work at length in the Appendix, and the introductory remarks thereto, 
for some account of the author. 
^ Grams and Concessions, p. 188. 



106 LETTER TO THE DISAFFECTED. [1684. 

friends of the province; for such a course would inevita- 
bly expose both themselves and others to become the 
prey of designing men, as had already been experienced. 
An assurance was added that the just rights and privi- 
leges of all concerned in the province would be protected 
and due encouragement afforded ; and the reasonable 
expectation was expressed, that the care and interest 
taken by the proprietaries, would be met by due submis- 
sion on the part of the inhabitants. In order to prevent 
any additional difficulty from the acquisition of Indian 
titles by individuals, the regulation respecting their pur- 
chase solely under the authority of the deputy-governor 
was continued in force, and that officer was directed to 
make a requisition upon the proprietaries for the neces- 
sary funds ; a cargo of goods, valued at seven hundred 
and fifty pounds, had been sent out for the purpose as 
early as 1682, with Rudyard and Groome, under the 
charge of the latter, and by him expended for the pur- 
pose.^° 

It was well foreseen by the proprietaries that, if aught 
could obstruct the welfare of their territory, it would be 
collision with the province of New York, having for its 
head the heir apparent to the throne of England, one, 
whose arbitrary temper and disregard of solemn engage- 
ments had already, more than once, been exhibited in 
connection with East Jersey ; conciliation, therefore, 
was not only in accordance with the principles of Qua- 
kerism, but also with the promptings of sound judgment 
and discretion, as the power to enforce would undoubt- 
edly be an attendant upon the will that might project 
any hostile measure. They, therefore, required that a 

^^ Grants and Concessions, p. 17G. 



1681.1 INTERCOURSE WITH NEW YORK. 107 

friendly correspondence should be kept up with the 
governor and colony of New York ; carefulness was en- 
joined in avoiding any cause for complaint of interference 
with their interests, and as they disowned all idea of 
benefiting themselves by any measures that might be 
injurious to that province, Lawrie was cautioned against 
giving encouragement to emigration thence into East 
Jersey /^^ Tlieir instructions referring to the intercourse 
with other provinces were of a different character, the 
deputy-governor being required to see that " his just and 
honest interest" should be maintained, and nothing pre- 
judicial to the proprietaries allowed. 

The wishes of the proprietaries respecting New York 
were complied with by Lawrie, for before entering upon 
the duties of his office he visited the governor of that 
province, and remained with him two or three days, re- 
ceiving evidences of kindness and respect.^^ Governor 
Dongan, however, was as desirous as his predecessor 
had been to re-annex New Jersey to New York, but, 
being of a less grasping temperament, his wishes led not 
to the adoption of any open acts of hostility to the exist- 
ing government.^^ 

The greater number of the proprietaries being in 
England and Scotland, all orders and instructions, how- 
ever minute, emanated at first from their councils there ; 
but emigration, and a transfer of proprietary rights soon 
brought to the province such a number of those directly 
interested in the soil, that on the 1st August, 1684, a 
board of commissioners was established, comprising all 
the proprietaries that might be from time to time in the 
province, to act with the deputy-governor in the tempo- 

" Grants and Concessions, p. 171. ^^ Chalmer's Annals, pp. 621, 627, 

" Scot's Model, p. 163. and see Note T. 



108 NEW TOWN OF PERTH. ri68'1. 

rarj approval of laws passed by the Assembly — the settle- 
ment of all disputes with the planters — the purchase and 
laying out of lands and other matters.^^ This soon 
after became known as the " Board of Proprietors," and 
contiimed to have the chief management within the 
province of those concerns which were connected with 
the proprietary titles to the government and soil. 

To this Board was also intrusted the adoption of 
such measures as might best conduce to the advancement 
and improvement of a new town to be called " Perth," 
in honor of the Earl of Perth, one of the proprietaries, 
standing on w hat was then known as Amho Point ; for 
the settling of which proposals had been issued in 1682, 
immediately on their obtaining a title to the province.^ 
This town was a favorite project of the proprietaries, 
and they prefigured for the object of their solicitude a 
destiny which has never been realized.^*^ At the time of 
Lawrie's arrival there were several houses already erected 
and others preparing for erection, (the site having been 
surveyed and the town laid out by Samuel Groome,) 
and his attention was immediately given to the execu- 
tion of the plans based upon the expectation that it 
should become the chief town and seat of government, 
as w'ell as the principal seaport of the province.^^ 

'■» Grants and Concessions, p. 195. the history would render the addition 

^' Brief account of East Jersey, see less interesting to the general reader. 

Note S. 27 In directions emanating from the 

*• From the importance of this place proprietaries in England in November, 

as the capital of the province, the influ- 1684, the Courts and Assembly are di- 

ence many of its citizens had upon its rected to sit, and the deputy-governor 

affairs, and other considerations, the au- required to reside and convene hiscoun- 

thor would have introduced an extended cil at Amboy, but Lawrie appears to 

notice of its settlement and progress had have disregarded the order, continuing to 

he not been deterred by the fear of add- reside at Elizabethtown. This disobe- 

ing to the bulk of his volume, and the dience Oklmixon and Wynne mention 

apprehension that the local character of as the cause of discontent with Lawrie's 



1685.] COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS. |q9 

In prosecuting their intentions in this last respect the 
proprietaries were particularly cautious ; directing Lawrie 
to take every precaution to prevent infringements of the 
navigation laws in relation to the payment of duties, or 
otherwise, in order that no complaint against them on 
that account might be made f^ and Lawrie seems to 
have complied with their behest, in part, by admitting 
William Dyre, in April 1685, to the discharge of his 
duties as collector of the customs in New Jersey.^^ 

The acknowledgment of this officer led to diffi- 
culty. Governor Dongan, when exculpating himself 
from the charge of endeavoring to subvert the rights of 
the proprietaries, claimed credit for permitting vessels to 
proceed directly to and from the province, which his pre- 
decessors had not allowed ; but so soon as the authority 
of Dyre was established over East Jersey, the inhabit- 
ants found they were debarred this privilege; their ves- 
sels were to be entered, and the duties on their cargoes 
paid at the office of the collector in New York ; regula- 
tions to which they were little disposed to conform. In 
June, 1685, when Dyre had exercised his office about 
two months, he complained to the commissioners of the 
customs of the opposition he experienced, and stated 
that when he prosecuted vessels, the juries found their 
verdicts against him contrary to the most undoubted 
facts, so that all legal redress was denied him."*" 

This complaint was referred to the ministers, and 
acted upon by them with a promptitude which evinced 

administration. It may have tended to April 1st. He had been appointed bj 
increase their disapprobation, but there the commissioners of the customs, col- 
were other causes operating. lector for both Pennsylvania and New 

^^ Grants and Concessions, p. 171. Jersey, on 4th Jinuary, 1682. 

" E. J. Records, C. Laws, p. 96. *» Chalmers' Annals, p. 621. 

The oath of office was administered 



110 PROCEEDINGS OF THE CROWN. [1686. 

their willingness to avail themselves of any pretext to 
forward the schemes then under consideration, based 
upon the representations of the New York governors, 
for the re-annexation of New Jersey to the territory of 
James. The Attorney-General was ordered in April, 
1686, to issue a writ of quo warranto against the pro- 
prietaries, the reason assigned being the "great preju- 
dice in the plantations and to the customs here, if such 
abuses should be any longer suffered in a country which 
ought to be more dependent on his majesty." ^^ 

The death of Charles II., in February 1685, had 
raised the Duke of York to the throne as James II., and 
his investiture with the robes of royalty was the prelude 
to his putting aside all obligations and agreements which 
conflicted with his views of interest, or interfered with 
the full exercise of his arbitrary power.^- For this very 
august personage had thrice as Duke of York and Alba- 
ny, by diiferent patents, and by numerous other docu- 
ments, conveyed and confirmed to others all the rights, 
powers and privileges which he had himself obtained in 
this identical territory, which was now to be made 
" more dependent" on his sovereign will and pleasure. 
But he was told his revenues would be increased by an 
extension of his royal mantle over New Jersey, and hesi- 
tate he could not in adopting measures to effect it. 

The proprietaries in England were not silent under 
these proceedings of the crown. In a remonstrance 
which they presented to the king they reminded him 
that they had not received the province as a benevolence, 

*' Chalmers, p. 622. could scarcely comprehend." If this is 

** Bancroft says, (p. 405, 10th Edit.) true New Jersey must have confused 

" He kept his word sacredly, unless it him greatly. 

involved complicated relations, which he 



1687.] PROPOSITIONS OF THE PROPRIETARIES. m 

but had expended for it twelve thousand pounds ; that 
under his own confirmation of their title and his assur- 
ances of protection, thej had sent ihither several hun- 
dreds of people from Scotland ; and they stated their 
willingness, should he desire it, to propose to the Assem- 
bly of East Jersey the imposition of the same taxes that 
were levied in New York. They even went farther, 
and prayed that the king, if he deemed a change in the 
administration of the province necessary, would himself 
select a governor from the body of the proprietaries to 
rule over both East and West Jersey as one jurisdiction ; 
that an appeal from the courts of the province should be 
had to England only ; and to avoid all future difficulty 
in relation to the navigation acts, they requested that an 
officer might be appointed to collect the customs at Perth 
Amboy.^^ 

This last was the only request granted, as it was the 
only one that promised any additional revenue, and did 
not conflict with the designs then under consideration.*'* 
In all other respects James was inexorable ; his friend- 
ship for Barclay, and all the influence of the Earl of 



*' Chalmers, p. 622, quoting N. J. possibly with a hope that it might facili- 

Papers, pp. 73-83. tate the negotiations with the king, — then 

** An order was transmitted to the presumed to be in progress, but which 

governor of New York, in August 1687, were in fact consummated, — the Assem- 

(Chaimers says May, but the copy sent bly of East Jersey, in May, 1688, passed 

to East Jersey is in the author's posses- an act levying a tax of a penny a pound 

sion, dated August 14,) directing him to on estates, and tenpence per head on 

permit vessels to pass to Amboy without males over sixteen, for the service of his 

interruption ; provided the authorities majesty against the French, and under 

would allow such person as the gover- the command of the governor of New 

nor of New York or the receiver gene- York ;" who had been directed by a let- 

ral of that province should appoint, ter from the king, dated November lOth, 

peaceably to perform the duties of collec- 1687, to call upon other provinces for 

tor, &c., and one was appointed accord- aid. Grants and Concessions, p. 306. 
jngly. As a return for this favorj or 



112 SIR EDMUND ANDROS RETURNS. [1687. 

Perth and other courtier proprietaries being of no avail 
in deterring him from involving New Jersey with the 
other colonies whose charters and constitutions he had 
resolved to annul. ^^ 

Complaints having been made to Charles II. against 
the colony of Massachusetts Bay, he had called for a 
surrender of its charter, and on receiving a refusal from 
the general assembly, a writ of quo warranto was issued 
in 1684 ; but the death of Charles had left the proceed- 
ings under it to be consummated by his successor, whose 
rapacity for power and arbitrary nature, prompted him to 
make the subversion of the liberties of one colony the 
precedent for similar injustice to all, as if its general 
application would legalize the principle or render it less 
obnoxious. In furtherance of this scheme, James, to- 
wards the close of 1686, sent over his former pliant ser- 
vant Andros, whom he had knighted, with a commission 
as Governor over all New England. Taking up his 
residence at Boston, that functionary assumed the chief 
authority in Massachusetts, and proceeded the following 
year to visit, in succession, Rhode Island and Connecti- 
cut, whose respective governments he dissolved, vesting 
in himself all power and dominion, even beyond the 
limits granted by his royal master. 

Finding the king immovable in his determination to 
extend the sway of Andros over their province as well 
as over New England, the proprietaries of East Jersey 
considered it advisable to abandon the hopeless contest 
for their previously conceded privileges, and by facilitat- 
ing the king's design obtain his guaranty to respect 
their right to the soil. They, consequently, made a 

« Grahame, II., p. 296, [Edit. 1837.] 



1638.] NEW-JERSEY PLACED UNDER ANDROS. j 13 

formal surrender of their patent on this condition in 
April, 1688,^^ and as James agreed to accept it, the pro- 
ceedings under the quo warranto process were no longer 
needed for East Jersey, and, as the proprietaries of West 
Jersey had entered also into the arrangement,''^ a new 
commission was directed to Andros, annexing both pro- 
vinces, together with New York, (the commission of 
Governor Dongan having been superseded,) to his gov- 
ernment, and Francis Nicholson was appointed his lieu- 
tenant.^^ 

On the receipt of this commission Andros once more 
presented himself in New York, received the govern- 
ment from the hands of Governor Dongan on the 11th 
August, and a few days thereafter visited both East and 
West Jersey ; creating less confusion and causing less 
anxiety in the minds of the inhabitants than there was 
every reason to anticipate, and exhibiting greater wis- 
dom than he generally manifested, by continuing all the 
existing officers in their places ; so that the change in the 
government was in a measure nominal.^^ After the due 
regulation of aifairs in New York to suit his pleasure, 
he confided the administration of the government there 
to his lieutenant, and continued his own permanent resi- 
dence at Boston. 

In order to present a connected view of the measures 

*^ Smith's New Jersey, pp. 211, 568. also East New Jersey the 15th, and 

GrahameII.p.296,Edit. 1837. Grants West New Jersey the 18th following, 

and Concessions, pp. 604-5. where by proclamation continue the 

*^ It does not appear, however, that revenue, and all officers in place, till far- 

they were involved in the quo warranto ther order." Andros's Despatch, dated 

case. New York, October 4, 1688. New York 

** Grahame, II., p. 218. Colonial Papers. Nicholson, under date 

*^ " I arrived here the 11th August of 31st August, says the two Jerseys 

past, when His Majesties Letters Patents were "settled to their great satisfac- 

being pubUshed, received this place, as tion." 



114 DEFICIENCY OF INFORMATION. [168(3. 

concerted in England, the events transpiring in the 
province have been left unnoticed, but their considera- 
tion will now be resumed. 

Little information can be obtained respecting the 
political condition of East Jersey, or the advancement 
of the people in the comforts, enjoyments, and advan- 
tages of increasing civilization during the period under 
review. The records are confined almost exclusively to 
the preservation of documents emanating from the pro- 
prietaries abroad, and in all probability the communica- 
tions of the deputy-governor to them, and other impor- 
tant sources of information which they must have had 
in possession, have long since disappeared, leaving unex- 
plained much that is calculated to excite curiosity and 
interest."'^ Enough can be gathered, however, on which 
to base a conviction that, although the increase of popu- 
lation was considerable, and the reward of industry abun- 
dant, yet the improvement of the province was not com- 
mensurate either with the expectations or exertions of 
the proprietaries. 

This may be attributed, mainly, to the unfortunate 
dissensions respecting titles to the soil, which are so 
frequently presented as the prolific source of difficulty ; 
the various claims under patents from different governors, 
purchases from the Indians and individual grants, afford- 
ing a most extensive field for litigation and excitement, 
to the cultivation of which the lapse of time presented 
no obstruction. It is also suggested by some writers,^^ 
that the interest taken by Lawrie in West Jersey, ren- 

*" The letters of Lawrie and others, dence tliat the value of the lost docu- 

written just after their arrival, and for- ments is not overrated, 
tunately incorporated into Scot's Model, *' Oldmixon. Wynne. 
(being thereby preserved,) are someevi- 



1686.] ASSEMBLY MEETS AT PERTH AMBOV 

115 

dered him less attentive to devising measures, or carrying 
out the views of the proprietaries, for the welfare of the 
territory confided to his charge. Speculators in the Board 
of Proprietors may also have tended to the disadvanta-^e 
of the provmce by forestalling the most desirable traces 
or locations, more with the view of realizing lar-e pro 
fits from subsequent sales, than from the actual iinprove- 
nient of the lands while in their possession.'' 

The proprietaries having declared themselves averse 
to the multiplication of transient laws, it bein<. " both 
proper and safe that the common law of England should 
serve" wherever applicable,^ the deputy-governor seems 
have considered it unnecessary to call a meetin.. of 
the Assembly before April, 1686, in which month a ses 
sion was held, for the first time, at Perth Ambov the 
new seat of government. 

The subjects of legislation were few. The prin 
c.pal acts were, one for the regulating the value of .ilver 
com, and another against wearing sHords, pistols and 
other weapons, and giving or receiving challenges • the 
preamble to the latter stating that many of the inha- 
bitants of the province received great abuses, were out 
in great fear, and involved in quarrels and challen<,es bv 
reason of many persons carrying unusual and uidawful 
weapons ;« a state of society resulting naturally from the 
strife and excitement which have been referred to The 
first named act is worthy of notice from its bein., the 

SeTZ 7, " ^^^^•'--^«'' 'egislate oS th 
ubjec . Its ob,ect was to prevent the transportation ot 
lv.r from the province by raising it above its true valu 

m all business transactions ; and so little were the mys- 

" Wynne, I., p. 209. an. 

" Oranf= or>j r ■ urants antJ Concessions nn 2R'i 

'-rants and Concessions, p. 177. 289 



116 DEPUTY GOVERNOR LAWRIE SUPERSEDED. [1686. 

teries of finance and the circulation of the precious me- 
tals understood by its framers, that the law does not 
seem to have been considered at all objectionable, or its 
effect doubted, until its evil tendencies were elicited in 
practice. Before the end of the year, however, at a 
subsequent session of the same Assembly, it was re- 
pealed, " it being found by experience that many incon- 
veniences may attend the same."^^ The other acts were 
slight alterations or amendments of existing laws, save 
two which were intended to carry out the wishes of the 
proprietaries by establishing markets, fairs and 'courts of 
common right' at Perth Amboy. 

Although the alleged want of interest in the pros- 
perity of East Jersey on the part of the deputy-governor 
may be doubted, — ior the references which have been 
made to the events of his administration have plainly 
manifested his capability, prudence and integrity, — yet 
the proprietaries in England had reaped but few of the 
advantages they had anticipated from the settlement and 
improvement of their province ; the future gave very little 
promise of better things, and these results they appear 
to have regarded as more the fruit of mistaken action on 
tne part ot the executive authority in the province than 
of unavoidable circumstances, and the remedy being in 
their power, was applied : — Lawrie was superseded.^^ 

In the choice of a successor they were prompted 
by the great influx of population from Scotland, to 

*» Grants and Concessions, p. 295. any of the rules and regulations of the 

s^ The only direct intimation of their proprietaries. It was without doubt, 

displeasure is found in Grants and Con- however, the main cause of his removal, 

cessions, pp. 211, 212, having reference as it had been that of Rudyard's, both 

to his locating a desirable tract of land having selected lands on the Raritan for 

in his own name, instead of allowing all themselves, which were thought by the 

the proprietaries to partake of it, but it proprietaries in England superior to any 

is not known that this was contrary to other tracts in the province. 



1686.] LORD NEILL CAMPBELL DEPUTY GOVERNOR. J 17 

Strengthen their influence in that quarter, and probably 
occasion increased emigration, by selecting one from the 
proprietaries residing there. Lord Neill Campbell, a 
brother of the Earl of Argyle,^^ whose invasion of Scot- 
land, in 1685, for the purpose of revenging the wrongs 
of his countrymen had terminated so unfortunately for 
himself and his adherents — being obliged to flee from 
Scotland, in consequence of his connection with that 
nobleman ; the proprietaries availed themselves of the 
circumstance to secure a new deputy-governor for East 
Jersey : Campbell, foreseeing probably that he would be 
obliged to leave his country, having secured a refuge in 
the province by purchasing, in August 1685, the right 
held by Viscount Tarbet,^^ and sent over a large number 
of settlers, — persons, probably, whose relations to the 
government were similar to his own — who arrived in the 
province in December of the same year. 

Lord Neill was appointed by the proprietaries in 
England their deputy-governor for two years on the 4th 
June, 1686,^^ and he reached the province the ensuing 
October ; his commission being published on the 5th and 
his council appointed on the 18th of that month.^** 

The diversity of character, religion, pursuits, and 
political relations prevailing among the proprietaries of 
East Jersey at the period under review is remarkable ; 
and the attention of the student of our history is neces- 

"' Grahame calls him the uncle of Lawrie, Major John Berry, of Bergen ; 

the Earl; he was so of a subsequent Isaac Kingsland, of New Barhadoes ; 

Earl. Captain Andrew Hamilton, of Amboy ; 

'** One-fourth of one twenty-fourth. Richard Townley, of Elizabethtown ; 

Bill in Chancery, p. 84. The original Samuel Winder, of Cheesequakes ; 

deed is in the Rutherfurd Collection. David Mudie and John Johnstone, of 

Argyle was beheaded June 30th, 1685. Amboy; and Thomas Codrington, of 

'* E. J. Records. Raritan. 

** His council consisted of Gawen 



118 Campbell RETURNS TO SCOTLAND. [1686. 

sarilv drawn to the consideration of the fact, in reference 
to the appointment of Lord Neill Campbell to be deputy- 
governor of the province. For Robert Barclay, — the pro- 
minent Quaker, with all the peculiarities of his quiet, 
peaceful sect, the advocate of gentleness and non-resist- 
ance, — to be associated in any enterprise with a stanch 
Scotch Presbyterian of 1685, one who could appeal to 
the sword as the avenger of his wrongs or the asserter 
of his rights, and connect himself with those who, in 
battle array, could seek to subvert the government esta- 
blished over them, is in itself calculated to excite sur- 
prise ; but to have that association strengthened into 
official relationship, however slight, and have him join in 
commissioning, as his subordinate, one whose views in 
every respect we should think so entirely dissimilar to 
his own, is still more wonderful. We must presume that 
private prejudices and feelings were allowed to be over- 
come, where the interests of East Jersey seemed to re- 
quire the sacrifice.*^^ 

Lord Neill 's stay in the province was of short dura- 
tion. On the 10th December, he appointed Andrew 
Hamilton his substitute, " by the urgent necessity of 
some weighty affairs being about to take a voyage to 
Britain," and he probably sailed in March following, 
(1687,) Hamilton's commission being published on the 
12th of that month. "^^ Campbell's appointment probably 

*' It is uncertain that the Ear] of Perth terests looked after by that Earl's 

joined in commissioning Lord Neill, brother! 

but it is an illustration of the strange ^^ Hamilton's authority was con- 
commingling of men in the East Jersey firmed by a commission from Governor 
enterprise, that he, a stanch adherent Barclay, August 18th, 1687, which was 
of James, and one of the jury who published June 19lh, 1688. He received 
in 1681 had found the Earl of Argyle 100 pounds sterling for his services. — E. 
guilty of treason, should have his in- J. Records. 



[1687. ANDREW HAMILTON DEPUTY GOVERNOR. ng 

induced some emigration to the province from Scotland, 
but in other respects seems to have had no effect upon 
the condition of affairs for good or ill. The only act of 
his of which any knowledge is had, exclusive of granting 
patents for land and appointing officers, is the approval 
of five acts of minor import passed by an Assembly that 
convened in November. One of these regulated the fees 
of the several officers of the province " in consequence of 
the great burthen the inhabitants had sustained and 
complained under by reason of extraordinary fees ;" and 
another related to the office of sheriff, obliging any per- 
son elected to that office to serve under a penalty of fif- 
teen pounds for refusing.*^^ It is from such glimpses 
alone, as these acts afford us, that any insight can now 
be obtained into the true position of the government with 
reference to the respect and confidence evinced towards 
it by the people ; and these do not present it in a light 
to render it probable any great cordiality existed between 
the. governors and the governed. 

The speedy return of Lord Neill to Scotland was 
probably owing to the favorable change which had taken 
place in the measures of James ; whose desire to relieve 
the Roman Catholics from the penal laws and the various 
liabilities to which they were subjected, had led to a great 
melioration of the restrictions placed upon the Presby- 
terians — intended to render the project more popu- 
lar. Campbell may have found it unnecessary to expa- 
triate himself longer under these circumstances, and 
consequently resigned the honors which had been con- 
ferred upon him in East Jersey. 

Andrew Hamilton, left by Lord Neill as his substi- 
tute, had been a merchant in Edinburgh. He had come 

^' Grants and Concessions, p. 226. 



120 TAX FOR THE USE OF NEW- YORK. [1688. 

to the province with his family about the time of Camp- 
bell's arrival, to whom he was recommended by the pro- 
prietaries as a friend to their interests, and one of whose 
fidelity and ability for business they were well assured ; 
he having visited the province previously as a special 
agent, and given them in that capacity every satisfac- 
tion.^ He appears to have been a man of intelligence, 
and to have acted in a manner to advance, in as great a 
degree as circumstances would permit, the interests of 
the proprietaries without increasing their unpopularity or 
embroiling them with the people. 

The deputy-governor met an Assembly at Perth 
Amboy on 14th May, 1688, but the session resulted in 
no legislation of importance excepting the passage of an 
act levying a tax of a penny in the pound on all estates, 
and tenpenco per head on all males over sixteen years of 
age, for the service of the crown against the French ; 
subject to the orders of the Governor of New York, 
who had been authorized in the November previous to 
call upon the other provinces for assistance.*^ It is pro- 
bable, however, this was complying more with the letter 
than with the spirit of the requisition, with the view of 
favorably affecting by their generosity the measures that 
were thought to be under consideration in England. 
The enforcement of the tax is doubtful, and, accustomed 
as the inhabitants were to almost entire exemption from 

*■• E. J. Records B, p. 25. manuring their land, forced upon quite 

** Grants and Concessions. Chalmers, different ways and methods from the 

followed by Grahame, [Edit. 1837,] other farmers and inhabitants of the 

states erroneously that this act was county of Middlesex, because of the fre- 

pass d the year before. At this session quent floods that carry away their fences 

Somerset County was set off from Mid- on their meadows, the only arable land 

dlesex. " Forasmuch as the uppermost they have, and so by consequence their 

part of Raritan river is settled by per- interest is divided from the other inhab- 

sons whom, in their husbandry and itant« of the said county." 



1688.] JURISDICTION OP ANDROS. 121 

taxation for the support of their own government, it is 
not probable that they would readily contribute to the 
relief of New York, a province which had so materially 
and repeatedly interfered with their just rights. 

In August 1688, as has been already stated,^^ the pro- 
vince was resigned to the jurisdiction of Governor Sir 
Edmund Andros. The deputy-governor and all his 
subordinates were continued in office, but respecting the 
retention of their original powers, or the extent of action 
allowed them independent of the royal representative 
under whom they had been placed, little definite infor- 
mation can be obtained. The course of Andros in 
accepting the mere acknowledgment of his authority as 
sufficient without revolutionizing the government, was 
probably, in part, owing to the fact that the surrender 
of their rights by the proprietaries, involved the issuing 
of a confirmatory grant to them from the crown of all the 
immunities of the soil ; and until that arrangement was 
fully consummated, the continuance of their officers in 
power might have been considered expedient.^^ The 
forbearance of Andros, however, under any circum- 
stances, is remarkable, and the wisdom of his course un- 
usual ; arrogance, disregard of rights, and impetuosity in 
his decisions, having been so strikingly manifested by 
him in all his previous transactions with the authorities 
of East Jersey. 

The revolution in England in favor of William and 
Mary, having led to the seizure of Andros by the peo- 
ple of New England in April 1689, and the subversion 
of his government, his authority in the several colonies 

*• Seepage 113. governor, entered into an arrangement 

" Grahame, II. p. 297, [Edit. 1837.] with the governor of West Jersey rela- 

This grant was never made by James, tive to their common boundary line. 

As late as September, 1688, Barclay, as Smith's N. J., p. 196. 



122 GOVERNMENT OF ANDROS SUBVERTED. [1689. 

that had been placed under his jurisdiction was at once 
destroyed : and had the proprietaries felt themselves 
strong in the affections of the people, and able to sustain 
themselves amid the conflicts of parties, no time could 
have been more propitious for the resumption of all the 
rights and privileges they had been obliged to relinquish. 
But they were in many respects peculiarly embarrassed. 
Unanimity of action could not be obtained, from the fact 
that the counsels of the Board in the province were render- 
ed necessarily inefficient through a want of the requisite 
information as to the sentiments of their associates in 
Great [Britain. Many had been, or were, closely con- 
nected with the King, or were friendly to his cause, and 
all were probably disposed to reverence more highly than 
they should have done, one, who as Duke of York, had 
been the grantor of their possessions. Hamilton, by 
throwing off the responsibilities he had so recently as- 
sumed as the representative of the royal government, 
would have virtually declared for William, and added 
to the obstacles already in the way of a full enjoyment of 
the rights of the proprietaries, without in the least 
strengthening his position with the people ; whose pre- 
dilections, it may be safely inferred, were in favor of a 
dependence upon the crown rather than upon the gov- 
ernment of a numerous body of proprietaries. 

In May, the deputy-governor, obeying a summons 
from Andros's lieutenant in New York,^^ repaired 
thither to consult with the authorities of that province 
upon the course proper to be pursued in the peculiar sit- 
uation of the government, but thereafter does not seem 

*' New York Colonial Papers. Mr. the Bergen justices attended with the 
Van Cortland to SirE. Andros, July 9th, deputy-governor 
1689 The summons was general, and 



1689.1 HAMILTON SAILS FOR ENGLAND. 123 

to have taken any part that would have identified him 
with either of the great factions that were disturbing the 
mother country. There was no outbreak among the 
people of East Jersey as in the other colonies subject to 
the authority of Andros, from the peculiar circumstances 
which have been mentioned ; but there was so much 
room for doubt as to what should be the policy and 
measures of the government, that Hamilton deemed it 
proper to proceed to England in person to advise with 
the proprietaries. He sailed accordingly, but on his 
voyage was taken prisoner by the French, and for some 
time detained. 



MAP OF EAST JERSEY. 



The Map which precedes the foregoing portion of the narrative, was 
compiled from various sources, and without being entirely accurate, will 
give the reader an idea of the extent of the settled portion of the pro- 
vince, about the time it passed into the possession of the '• twenty-four ;" 
as well as other information which maybe of service in rightly determin- 
ino' its condition both before and after that event. 



THOMAS RUDYARD. 



This gentleman, selected as the first representative of Governor Bar- 
clay in the province, was originally from the town of Rudyard, in Staf- 
fordshire, but at the time of his appointment was a resident of London. 
His legal attainments are stated to have been of a character that insured 
him an elevated rank in his profession, and it was probably from his con- 



124 THOMAS RUDYARD. [1689. 

nection with the trial of Penn and Mead in 1670,^' in which Smith says 
he took a prominent part, that he became interested in the East Jersey 
project. Certain it is he took an active part in the preliminary measures 
for the advancement of the province after its transfer to the twenty -four 
proprietaries ; the Concessions, — their plan for the foundation of their 
capital, Perth Amboy, — a map of the country, — and other documents, 
being deposited at his residence in George-yard, Lombard street, for the 
inspection of all adventurers to the western world. 

Selected by the proprietaries as their deputy-governor, Rudyard 
appears to have embarked for the province with a full determination to 
make it thereafter his home. He brought with him two persons less able 
than himself to bear the toils, exposure and deprivations, incident to a 
newly-settled land, but who seem to have entered upon their new sphere 
of life with that energy of mind and contentedness of disposition which 
invariably bring their reward : these were his daughters, Margaret and 
Anne, — ladies highly esteemed — and the first has left a name in the tradi- 
tionary annals of Perth Amboy (for many years her residence) which is 
associated with many remembered virtues ; the stamp of truth being set 
to the record by the fact that the Episcopal congregation of the ancient 
capital is to this day enjoying, to a considerable extent, the fruits of her 
liberality. 

Ere six months had elapsed after their arrival, Rudyard, when writing 
to his friends in England, says of his daughters, " they tell me they 
would not change their place for George-yard," showing that they had 
identified themselves with the objects around them in no small degree ; 
but the impartiality of the chronicler requires the notice of a proba- 
bility that attractions, other than those of general society, climate, and 
natural scenery, had their due weight in making them thus contented, for 
they were both '• woo'd and won" soon after their arrival, by two gentle- 
men of New York. Anne became the wife of Mr. John West, " mer- 
chant," and Margaret the wife of Mr. Samuel Winder, who after his 
marriage removed to a plantation near Middletown, where he died. He 
had previously resided on Staten Island. 

However much Rudyard may have been annoyed by his unceremo- 
nious dismissal from office,^" he appears to have submitted to the wishes 
of his associates without opposition ; an indication of a mildness of dispo- 
sition, which, in connection with the great interest he manifested in the 



*' William Penn and William Mead of their meeting houses, met in the street 

were indicted " for being present at, and before it, and Penn and Mead there 

preaching to an unlawful, seditious, and preached to them. Proud's Pennsylva- 

riotous Assembly," contrary to the provi- nia, I., p. 84. 

sions of what was called the Conven- ""^ See page 99. 
tide Act. The Quakers, being kept out 



1689.] THOMAS RUDYARD. J25 

prosperity of the province, and the prudence evinced in the genera! 
ordering of its affairs, prompts some regrets that he could not longer 
have remained at the head of the government. 

Previous to Mr. Rudyard's departure for Jamaica,^' he gave his 
daughters one-half of his proprietary right, excepting a few specified 
lots, and left written instructions with his sons-in-law for the management 
of his and their estates, commencing with this admonition : " Impyimis, 
that you love each other, be tender of each other's reputation, and in all 
matters of weight not only advise with, but be assistant to each other, 
as becometh the relation you bear.'' Deficient as may be our knowledge 
of his character in other respects, we may charitably suppose that what 
he could thus inculcate he could also exhibit, in all its beauty, in his own 
" life and conversation." He died abroad in 1692, leaving, besides his 
daughters, two sons, Benjamin, who at the time of his father's death 
resided in the island of Barbadoes, and does not appear to have come to 
America, as he disposed of his inheritance in 1695 ; and John, to whom 
his father left all his West Jersey lands, in which section of the state he 
probably has descendants.'^^ 

Mr. Rudyard's executors declining to serve, Messrs. Robert Wharton 
and George Willocks were appointed administrators ; and the intimacy 
that arose by consequence, between these gentlemen and the families of 
West and Winder led to a more tender connection with their wives when 
death deprived them of their husbands, which was the case a few years 
thereafter, Anne becoming the wife of Mr. Wharton, (and subsequently 
the wife of Governor Andrew Hamilton,) and Margaret the wife of Mr. 
Willocks. It was as Mrs. Willocks that the latter became a benefac- 
tress of St. Peter's Church at Perth Amboy, as has been stated, and a 
tablet to her memory, in connection with others, is inserted in the wall of 
that ancient edifice. She left no children, and it is not known that her 
sister did, at least no descendant of the deputy-governor is thought now 
to be living in East Jersey. 

'^' E.J. Records, A,pp. 138,217,218. mentioned in his will, he mayhave'fol- 

November, 1685, December 5, 1685. lowed the sea.' He mentions six chil- 

His will was dated at New York, De- dren (Thomas, John, Daniel, Mary, 

cember 7th. Margaret and Ruth,) and a brother-in- 

'* John Rudyard died February, 1726, law named Daniel Smith, 
and from "sailor's instruments" being 



126 GAWEN LAWRIE. 



GAWEN LAWRIE. 



[1689. 



The character and acts of Deputy-Governor Lawrie have been loo 
much dwelt upon in the foregoing pages to render necessary an ex- 
tended notice of him in this place. Little information, however, is now to 
be gathered respecting him and many others whose exertions created 
for us the goodly heritage we enjoy, and such illustrations of iheir private 
character and domestic relations as are calculated to interest us are 
especially rare. 

We first meet with Lawrie's name, in connection with those of Wil- 
liam Penn and Nicholas Lucas, as one of the assignees of Edward Byl- 
linge (the purchaser of West Jersey from Lord Berkeley,) who in 1676 
placed m their hands for the benefit of his creditors the whole province 
of West Jersey. Lawrie was one of the creditors, but what direct in- 
terest lie acquired in the province, as such, is not known to the author, 
a though the records of the western division may give the information. 
It was without doubt considerable, and the management of Byllino-e's 
aflairs, ,n all probability, prepared the way for his embarkino-, with Penn 
and other Friends, in the East Jersey enterprise. 

The deputy-governor brought with him to the province his wife and 
lamily, and took up his residence at Elizabethtown, continuing to reside 
there nolwiths.anding the expressed wish of the proprietaries that he 
would remove to Perth Amboy, a circumstance to which some writers 
have attributed his removal from office, as has been stated." It is not 
to be wondered at, that, with his family around him, he should have pre- 
ferred remaining the occupant of the proprietary house at the former 
place to the comparatively uncomfortable residence in the embryo city • 
but he evidently took a warm interest in Perth Amboy, and may with 
truth be considered its founder. j vv ui 

He surrendered the government to his successor in October 1686 
became one of his council, and so continued until his death, which occurred 
at Elizabethtown m the autumn of 1687. Mrs. Lawrie (Mary) survived 
her husband, and in his will he charged his children to render her everv 
kindness and attention, she '■ having been loving, tender, and careful b2 
to them and him." - They had one son, ^Ja^Ls,) wh^se dauThtriL 

" See page 108, note. and daughter Ann, arrived in the pro- 

- E. J. Records,B p. 137. In 1683, vince and settled at Freehold in Men 

Thomas Lawne, probably a brother of mouth county, where it is thought their 

the deputy-governor, with a son James descendants are yet living. 



1689.1 LORD NEILL CAMPBELL. 127 

bella married William Davis of New York, and inherited much, if not all 
of the estate of her grandfather ; and two daughters, Mary, who became 
the wife of William Haige. and Rebecca, who married Miles Forster, 
both of them men of standing in the province. Nothing is known of the 
descendants of Mrs. Haige ; a son of Mrs. Forster removed to the island 
of Barbadoes, and two daughters died unmarried. 

The autograph of Gawen Lawrie does not present his " clerkly skill" 
in a very favorable light, however great an adept he may have been in 
business matters.^* 



LORD NEILL CAMPBELL. 

The connection of this nobleman with the province was of so tran- 
sient a character, that no opportunity is afforded by his public acts to 
judge either of his character or qualifications, and of his private life the 
author has no information. He died previous to 1693. 

In selecting East Jersey as a place of refuge he was no doubt influ- 
enced, in part, by the fact that two sons had already emigrated. John is 
mentioned as early as 1684, with his wife, three children, and eleven ser- 
vants ; and Archibald came out immediately after the fatal termination of 
his Uncle Argyle's enterprise, in which he was engaged as well as his 
father.^" 

There is a curious conveyance on record, under date of December 
16th, 1684, by which one Moneybaird makes over to John Campbell all his 
interest in Perth Amboy, "on consideration of the said Campbell's send- 
ing a footman in velvet to wait on Moneybaird during the lime of parlia- 
ment in New Jersey, and holding his stirrup." The author's antiquarian 
lore is at fault here, as Moneybaird does not figure at all among the 
worthies of the province, and could certainly have had no anticipated 
right to a seat in "parliament;" and " a footman in velvet" would under 
any circumstances have been rather a strange attendant upon a yeoman 
of that period. 

75 The true orthography of his name is ''® " Two sons of Argyle, John and 

left in doubt even by his own sign-ma- diaries, and Archibald Campbell, his 

nual. It is given indiscriminately by nephew, were sentenced to death and 

most of the old documents as " Laurie" forfeiture, but the capital part of the sen- 

and " Lawrie," but the latter is consi- tence was remitted." Fox's James IT. 

dered the correct form. p. 153. 



128 THE SEAL OP THE PROPRIETARIES. [1689. 

Archibald Campbell died in May, 1702, and it is uncertain whether 
or not he left children ; John died in December, 1689, leaving one son 
and two dauffhters. 



THE SEAL OF THE TWENTY-FOUR PROPRIETARIES. 




The only impressions of this seal that have been seen by the author, are 
appended to documents in his own possession, or in the Rutherfurd Coi 
lection, although there may be others scattered through the State. That 
such a seal ever existed, is a fact but little known, it having long since 
disappeared. It may have been destroyed on the surrender of the gov- 
ernment to the crown, or, being thereafter of no use, have been lost 
through carelessness. 



AUTOGRAPHS 

ofj-OTtie of the mo^t jjromiTunt indiridiials coriP^ct^d with tJit G^orerrvrrvent of \ 
Eat t Jersey ■ 

I 





^wrc&Af^ krli 




'anoL 














PERIOD IV. 

FROM THE SUBVERSION OP THE AUTHORITY OF ANDROS 
TO THE SURRENDER OP THE GOVERNMENT TO THE 
CROWN. 

1689—1702. 

The period upon the consideration of which we now 
enter is involved in more doubt than any other in the 
history of New Jersey. The proprietary records, so soon 
as the government was placed under the supreme control 
of Andros, became no longer the depositories of the offi- 
cial or other papers connected with its administration, 
and for three or four years cease to throw any light upon 
passing events. The correspondence between the Board 
of Proprietors in the province, or the Deputy-Governor 
with the proprietaries abroad, has become lost in the 
lapse of years, and we are consequently reduced to mea- 
gre gleanings from incidental notices, introduced in irre- 
gular and otherwise unimportant documents, for such 
facts as enable the student to form some, however imper- 
fect, conception of the condition of the province. 

Hamilton left East Jersey for Europe in August, 
1689,^ and the inhabitants were left to the guardianship 

1 Gordon says /urae, probably on the Records (B, p. 479) mention Hamilton 

faith of the opponents of the proprieta- as acting as Deputy Governor until 

ries.who asserted they were left without 18th August, 1689 ; and as continuing 

a government after that month ; but the at the head of affairs until May 18th 

9 



230 STATE OF THE GOVERNMENT. 1689.] 

of their county and town officers from that time until 
1692. These, however, possessed ample powers to meet 
all common emergencies, and without any pressures from 
abroad, or attempted exercise of any disputed preroga- 
tive within the province by the agents of the proprieta- 
ries, the authority of these local magistrates appears to 
have been respected and the peace of the community 
preserved.^ And so averse were the opponents of the 
proprietaries to the re-establishment of their authority, 
that for a time the public sentiment was in favor of a 
continuance in this state of comparatively imperfect or- 
o-anization as to government. For on the arrival of 
Hamilton in England, and the death of Governor Bar- 



1G90, which is presumed to be the 
time when he arrived in England after 
his detention by the French, and re- 
signed his office. 

2 Mr. Bancroft, in his 3d Vol. (9 Edit.) 
p. 47, asks the significant question, " Will 
you know with how little government 
a community of husbandmen may be 
safe .?"— and adds, " For twelve years 
the whole province was not in a settled 
condition. From June, 1689, to August, 
1692, East Jersey had no government 
whatever, being in time of war without 
military officers, as well as without 
magistrates." The fact that the prov- 
ince must have contained nearly ten 
thousand inhabitants at this time goes 
far towards refuting the supposition that 
no legal restraints were in existence. 
If the functions of all the provincial 
officers had ceased — if there were no 
courts — no administration of justice — 
no punishment of the guilty — would not 
subsequent legislation have declared 
it distinctly ? But a reference to the va- 
rious charters and local regulations, will 
show most clearly how little probability 



there is that such " a state of nature" (as 
Mr. Bancroft terms it in his earlier edi- 
tions) existed. [See E. J. Records, B. 
and I. Lib. 1. 2d part, pp. 19-22,11. Lib. 
in. p. 6, Grants and Concessions. Bill in 
Chancery. Answer to Bill pp. 6, 14, 15. 
Newark Town Records.] This question 
is discussed at length in the Newark Dai- 
ly Advertiser of March 30th, 1840, and 
June 17th, 1842, (copies of which are 
in the N. Y. Hist. Library,) but in those 
papers it is presumed that Andros ap- 
pointed distinct officers in 1688, which 
has been shown not to have been the 
case. Mr. Bancroft's authority (and 
probably Grahame's also, for he too ap- 
pears to have a similar impression) was 
undoubtedly Chalmers, who (p. 622) 
adopts as true an assertion made by the 
opponents of the proprietaries in a peti- 
tion to the crown in 1699, (to be found 
in Smith's N. J. p. 508,) which appears 
to have been satisfactorily refuted. See 
Grants and Concessions, p. 690. Bill in 
Chancery p. 124. Newark Daily Ad- 
vertiser, June 17th, 1842. 



1690.] ESTIMATED POPULATION. IJJI 

clay, which occurred on od October, 1690, the proprie- 
taries appointed John Tatham to be their governor, and 
subsequently, in 1691, Colonel Joseph Dudley, but both 
nominees the people " scrupled to obey," — on what 
grounds is not slated, — thereby nullifying the effect of 
their subsequent complaint that the proprietaries had left 
them during this period " without any government what- 
ever."^ 

In the population of the province up to this period, 
there had probably been an increase since the estimate 
made by Nicholls in 1680, of nearly a hundred-fold, so 
that the number of souls in East Jersey could not have 
been much short of ten thousand. It was a constant 
cause of complaint with the governors of New York, 
that the freedom from taxation and mercantile restric- 
tions in East Jersey, operated greatly to the prejudice of 
that province, by inducing emigration to the west side of 
the Hudson : the old towns of Newark, Elizabethtown, 
and Middletown, were constantly drawing increasing 
numbers from New England and Long Island, extend- 
ing their limits or forming in their neighborhood cen- 

3 Bill in Chancery, p. 124. Pocket sired Col. Dudley, the first of his Majes- 
Commentary of first settling of New ty's Council here, to inspect and manage 
Jersey, &c., in Philadelphia Library, p. their affairs, who is very capable of iheir 
13. Dudley at that time was one of the trust, but will do nothing therein with- 
New York Council, and subsequently out his Majesty's direction, which I am 
Deputy-Governor of the Isle of Wight, honestly of opinion may do well, if your 
Member of Parliament, and Governor Lordships shall so Judge, until they may 
of Massachusetts," a cunning man, and be annexed with this province, or other- 
some say a notorious time server." wise, as his Majesty shall command. 
Douglas II. 248,269. Governor Slaugh- New York Colonial Papers. John Ta- 
tar of New York, writing to Lord Not- tham, Smith says, (page 191.) was " a 
tingham May 6, 1691, said, after allud Jacobite," which caused his rejection by 
ing to the sad condition of the New the Assembly of West Jersey, but 
England colonies, " the two Jerseys are whether he resided there or in East Jer- 
in something a better posture, and the gey does not appear, 
proprietors of them in England have de- 



132 WANT OF CLERGYMEN AND SCHOOLS. [1691. 

tres for other towns and villages ; while both from Scot- 
land and England a large number of families had 
arrived and settled in various parts of the province. The 
new capital, Perth Amboy, had become an important 
village, comprising among its inhabitants many who in 
subsequent years filled important stations in the civil or 
political circles. The Scotch became especially inte- 
rested in the prosperity of the town, and from it the new 
settlers spread themselves westward, entering upon the 
unbroken interior, or establishing themselves on the 
banks of the Raritan and other streams, becoming soon 
sufficiently numerous to call for the creation of a new 
county — Somerset, in 1688, being set off from Mid- 
dlesex. 

With the view of placing their capital on the direct 
route between New York and Pennsylvania, roads were 
opened leading thence to the Delaware at Bordentown, 
intended to supersede the old path by the way of Inian's 
Ferry, (now New Brunswick,) and between Perth Am- 
boy and New York, packet boats were established to 
convey passengers and freight. 

With the increase of population and the extension of 
settlements, the want of clergymen and schoolmasters 
began to be seriously felt, and strenuous exertions were 
made to obtain them ; indicating, in conjunction with 
other minor circumstances which may be gleaned from 
the imperfect records, that an interest in what would 
affect the future permanent well-being of the province 
pervaded the people to a greater extent than before, and 
in some degree commensurate with the advancement 
otherwise apparent. It would have been singular if 
under such circumstances the people had been willing to 
remain long without a government of some kind. 



1692.] HAMILTON APPOINTED GOVERNOR. ^33 

The New England Colonies, on the successful termi- 
nation of the revolution in favor of William, did not 
hesitate to resume the exercise of those functions of 
which they had been deprived by his predecessor ; and 
the proprietaries of East Jersey, in like manner, as the 
agreement with the crown on the surrender of their 
powers had never been fully consummated, took again 
into their hands the affairs of the province and re-organ- 
ized its government. 

On 25th March, 1692, Andrew Hamilton, who was 
then in London, was appointed governor.^ John Bar- 
clay, a brother of the late governor, who had been a 
resident of East Jersey for some years, received the ap- 
pointments of receiver-general and surveyor-general ; 
and Thomas Gordon, a Scotch gentleman who was also 
a resident, and who subsequently filled many important 
offices, was appointed deputy to William Dockvvra, — the 
proprietors' chief secretary and register in England, — to 
reside and act in the province. In September Governor 
Hamilton arrived, and was received in a manner that 
removed every impediment to the re-establishment of 
the proprietary government, experience having probably 
satisfied the people of the benefits flowing from the exist- 
ence in the province of some supreme authority ; and 
the personal popularity of Governor Hamilton conducing 
to the peaceable resumption of the rights which under 
other circumstances they would have been disposed to 
deny to the proprietaries. The governor appointed his 
council on the 14th September,^ and met a general as- 
sembly at Perth Amboy on the 28th of the same month. 

* East Jersey Records. His salary ^ East Jersey Records. His council 

the first year was to be 300 pounds,and consisted of Capt. Isaac Kingsland of 
after that 200 pounds. New Barhadoes ; Capt. Andrew Bowne 



134 TAX FOR THE BENEFIT OF NEW- YORK. [1692. 

At this session the laws previously passed subsequent 
to 1682, were, with a few exceptions, re-enacted, and 
others amended.^ An act was also passed authorizing 
four hundred pounds to be raised by a special tax,^ in 
order to lishten the burden of New York in the war ex- 
istins: between England and France, the frontier settle- 
ments being much exposed to expeditions from Canada. 
This was in accordance with the expressed wishes of the 
government, and the directions of the proprietaries in 
England under date of 1st June preceding f and although 
the representatives, in the preamble to the act, give as 
their motives for its passage, their sense of duty, the 
allegiance they owed their majesties, the brotherly love 
felt towards their neighbors, and the due defence of their 
own borders, yet the most probable operating cause for 
this liberality on their part, was the desire felt to secure 
the favor of the crown by what might be considered a 
popular demonstration of respect for its commands; and 
on the part of the proprietaries, their expectation that to 
evince such a willingness to conform their sentiments to 



of Chingagoras {Monmouth County), ble in several towns occasioned by tole- 

John Inians of iiaH<ffw7?zT;er, David Mu- rating many persons in selling drink in 

die (Richard Hartshorne took the place of private houses,' the retailing of all liquors 

Mudie in 1695,) and James Dundas of was placed under new regulations. 

Perth Amhoij,Zo\m'Royce of Eoycefeld ' All male householders, 16 years old 

{Middlesex C'oj</j<?/), Samuel Dennis of and upward, their male children, servants 

Woodhridge, John Bishop of Rahway, and slaves of the same age, were to pay 

and Lewis Morris of il/o«moM</;. each too shillings, all other males of 

• Grants and Concessions. The sell- that age, not householders, and without 

in" of liquor to the Indians was more estates, four shillings each, a\\ females 

effectually prohibited, — a standard of 16 and upward, one shilling each, and 

weights and measures established, — each the deficiency, if any, to be realized from 

county directed to be divided into town- horses, cattle,|swine, and land as rated 

ships, which was perfected the next and assessed, 

year, and ' forasmuch as there was great ** New York Colonial Papers, 
exorbitances and drunkenness observa- 



1695.1 RECRUITS FOR THE FRONTIER. 135 

the views of royalty would strengthen their cause, and 
secure the possession of functions reassumed with con- 
siderable doubt and anxiety. Certain is it that East 
Jersey had little or no danger to apprehend from the 
French, and there were no special reasons why, at this 
time, unusual regard should be had to the interests of 
New York. It appears that the tax was paid by the 
people through the influence of the motives assigned, or 
others f and the following year a similar one was im- 
posed, to raise 430 pounds to support twenty men, to be 
despatched to Albany for the defence of the frontier, a 
submission to which was also eflected by Governor Ham- 
ilton, whose exertions were actively directed to the suc- 
cessful prosecution of these measures of defence.^" In 
1696, however, similar projects for the relief of New 
York found no favor with the people, not a man being 
obtainable except under a stipulation that the service 
should be rendered only in case of actual invasion, and 
with the privilege of returning to the province so soon 
as the emergency had passed." The neglect shown by 



^ Chidly Brooks, collector and receiv- the good affection of Governor Hamil- 

er of the revenue at New York, in his ton." 

account of receipts and expenditures, ^' New York Colonial Papers. Let- 

from January, 1691, to December, 1695, tersfrom Governor Hamilton to Gover- 

reported £365 Is. lOd. received in cash nor Fletcher, June 26th and August 26th, 

from East Jersey, presumed to have 1696. He says, " I have formerly ac- 

been the result of the tax mentioned in quainted your Excellency that I had 

the text, as at that time there were no set some young men who had been for- 

customs paid to New York from the merly to Albany to invite others : they 

province. New York Colonial Papers, now inform me that Captain Mathews 

•" Grants and Concessions, p. 334. is so much in their good graces, that if 

New York Papers. Under date of Nov. he comes down he is the likeliest man 

19th 1694, Governor Fletcher writes, to prevail. I would have him first find 

" I can obtain no assistance from the ad- out Matthew Moore of Woodbridge, 

jacent colonies except the Jerseys, who who was one of his company. He 

have sent thirty men, which is owing to knows the temper of the young men and 



136 MEETINGS OF ASSEMBLY REGULARLY HELD. [1695. 

the other provinces in conforming to the requisitions of 
the New York governors, was thought a reasonable ex- 
cuse for a Hke course on the part of East Jersey. 

From 1692 to 1695, inclusive, the sessions of the 
General Assembly were regularly held, indicating the 
existence of a more quiet state of society than had ex- 
isted for some years previous, and confirming in some 
measure the assertion of the proprietaries in one of their 
communications to the lords of trade, that Governor 
Hamilton had served the people acceptably.^^ The 
legislation also, at this time, for the establishment of 
schools and the appointment of schoolmasters,^^ — for the 
improvement of the foreign trade of the province, — for 
encouraging the growth of wool by exempting sheep 
from taxation, — the better regulation of different courts, 
— and the reparation of roads, particularly the great tho- 
roughfare to West Jersey, would seem to imply the 
existence of an increasing and more general desire to 
adopt such measures as were calculated to foster the best 
interests of the community, notwithstanding the divi- 
sions and disputes which operated so strongly to prevent 

can the best assist. They must be soothed several of our youth have gone to the 
into it, for asserting the power of the soutiicrn colonies to be free from detach- 
Commission will make them all run the ments, and several, as I am told, gone 
province." These plans were unsuccess- aboard Captain Kidd, that there is 
ful, and he afterwards wrote : — " It was not a probability to prevail with them 
with great difficulty I obtained what I to continue in garrison, and indeed very 
did — that in case of an invasion they difficult to effect any thing." The let- 
should march to the frontier and be at ters from which these extracts are ta- 
liberty to return when the action was ken, were dated at Burlington, 
over or the enemy retreated : and even '* Bill in Chancery, p. 124. 
to obtain this I was forced to promise '^ The Assembly of New York be- 
ihem 12d. a day from your Excellency, gan also at this time (1695) to think of 
and pledged my own credit to procure better legulating their schools and 
12d. more at the first sitting of an As- schoolmasters, although two years sub- 
Bembly. They live so plentifully at sequent to the first action of East Jersey 
home, and get so great wages, besides Assembly, which was in 1693. 



1695.1 DECISION RESPECTING INDIAN TITLES. 137 

cordial co-operation between the various parties in the 
province.^"* 

These dissensions were not by any means at an end, 
and already, instead of longer being likened to paradise 
partly from the absence of lawyers, ^^ so great was the 
demand for the services of gentlemen of that profession 
in the province, that an act was found to be necessary 
in 1694, preventing justices of the peace, sheriffs, and 
other officers of courts from acting as attorneys, except- 
ing when personally interested in the matters at issue. ^^ 

In 1695, the first judicial decision respecting Indian 
titles was obtained, the court giving judgment in favor 
of the party claiming under the proprietary grants ; but 
the advantages that would have arisen from a definite 
settlement of this long controverted question were not 
realized, in consequence of a reversal of this decision by 
the king in council, through some informality in the pro- 
ceedings, leaving the matter still the same exciting cause 
of contention. ^^ 

The great desire felt by the proprietaries to secure 
the favor of the crown by conforming themselves in all 
things possible to its will, has been already noticed ; and 
now, all the benefits that were in prospect for the pro- 

'■* Other purposes of acts passed du- '* These may be considered the pre- 

ring this period were — the regulation of cursors of those days when, it was said, 

marriages, requiring the publication of " No man grew rich here so fast as the 

bans — to enable counties to defray their gentlemen of the bar." In 1676 an act 

expenses by levying taxes — to prevent was passed prohibiting justices of the 

the use of arms, &c.,by slaves — to pun- peace from acting as attorneys, "it be- 

ish culprit negroes — to oftZ/ge constables ing not convenient, the province being 

to serve when chosen to that office — to in its minority," but the next year they 

enable the governor to license ordinary were allowed to appear " in case of for- 

keepers — to raise money for the public eign negotiations." 
charges, &c. See Grants and Conces- " Bill in Chancery, p. 122. Doug- 

Bions. las' Summary, II. p. 278. 

'* See page 51. 



138 BASSE APPOINTED GOVERNOR. [1698. 

vince, flowing from the judicious administration of 
Governor Hamilton, were sacrificed in order to carry out 
the presumed requirements of an act of parliament passed 
in 1697, " for preventing frauds and regulating abuses 
in the plantation trade ;" which required that all proprie- 
tors of colonies should present their respective governors 
to the king for his approval, and that no other than a 
natural born subject of England could serve in any pub- 
lic post of trust or profit. ^^ 

Governor Hamilton being a native of Scotland, was 
considered by the proprietaries in England to be among 
those excluded from office by this act, and they, there- 
fore, notified the provincial council under date of October 
12th, 1697, that they had been obhged, much against 
their inclination, to dismiss him from the government, 
and had appointed Jeremiah Basse as his successor, the 
approbation of the king having been obtained thereto.^* 
Basse did not arrive in the province until the spring of 
1698. His commission was presented to the council on 
the 7th April, on the following day it was publicly pro- 
claimed, and shortly afterward Hamilton sailed for En- 
gland."*^ 

The new governor commenced his administration by 
publishing along with his commission a proclamation of 
unexceptionable character, inculcating obedience to the 
laws, mutual good will, attention to the duties of reli- 
gion, and the abandonment of all vice and immorality,^^ 
and on the 6th May appointed for his council the same 

'^ Bill in Chancery, p. 124. Prickett Butcher of Burlington." In 

'^ East Jersey Records. C. Laws, March, 1698, he sold out to John Harri- 

p. 273. His Commission was dated son, of Flushing, Long Island. 

July 15th, 1697, for one year, and sign- ^® Bill in Chancery, pp. 33, 124. 

ed by ten proprietaries. This year " See Note U. 

1697, Cranbury was settled by " Josiah 



1698.] OPPOSITION TO BASSE. I39 

gentlemen, excepting three, who had composed that of 
his predecessor.^^ But however favorable may have been 
the auspices under which he assumed the government, 
circumstances soon occurred to change their character. 

Basse had not held in the province, where he was 
already known, a station calculated to ensure him the 
favor of the people, and his elevation to power led him 
to assume a deportment which rather lessened than 
otherwise the little respect his promotion might have 
secured to him.^^ And to add to the dissatisfaction, it 
was discovered that he had not obtained the king's ap- 
probation, as had been alleged, nor had a sufficient num- 
ber of proprietaries signed his commission, only ten 
names having been obtained, instead of the requisite 
number of sixteen. ^^ Many of the proprietaries, there- 
fore, residing in the province, would no longer acknow- 
ledge him as their legally constituted governor, and with 
numbers of the inhabitants refused obedience to him 

^2 Captain Thomas Codrington of 33. Smith's N. J. p. 565. The objec- 

Somerset, Thomas Warne of Middle- tions made to Basse on account of his 

/0M)n, and William Pinhoine of jBergen, not having the king's approval to his 

being substituted for Messrs. Kingsland, appointment, probably grew out of the 

Dundas and Morris. It would appear dislike to the man rather than the regard 

from the document given in a note to felt for the violated law. The lords of 

page 100 of this volume, that Mr. trade were not, at that time, disposed to 

Morris questioned the authority of the countenance openly the appointment of 

Court of Common Right, under the gov- any governor by the proprietaries, as 

ernment of Basse — prompted thereto per- they began to question their right of 

haps by his dismissal from the Council — government; but the appointment of 

which led to his being fined and com- Basse was known to them, and the ex- 

mitted. He probably thus early brought ercise ofauthority by him, tacitly assented 

forward the arguments against the au- to, inasmuch as instructions on certain 

thority of the new governor, that subse- topics had been given him both by the 

quently were generally adopted. lords justices and commissioners of the 

^^ Lord Bellamont's Letter, Dec. treasury, which Basse produced as evi- 

14th, 1698. New York Colonial Pa- dence that the consent of the govern- 

pers. ment had been obtained. 

'* Bill in Chancery, pp. 45, 124, app. 



140 WEAKNESS OF THE GOVERNMENT. [1699. 

and his officers, asserting that Hamilton, not having been 
properly superseded, was still governor, and that through 
his absence the chief authority had devolved upon the 
council. 

Thus delicately placed, the governor hesitated to call 
the Assembly together, fearful, should the majority prove 
adverse to him, that his authority might be more gene 
rally denied ; and it was not until the beginning of 
1699, that he overcame his doubts and convened the re- 
presentatives of the people. 

Disowned as he was by a portion of the proprieta- 
ries, it is not surprising that Basse should have sought 
to strengthen himself from the ranks of the opponents 
of that body, and his weakness became, by consequence, 
the source of increased force and efficiency to their 
opposition. The governor, once dependent upon them, 
was soon their prey, and concessions of the most vital 
importance to the continuance of the proprietaries' gov- 
ernment were obtained from their own officer. The 
proprietaries in England, under date of 14th April, 1698, 
authorized him " to grant the privilege" of an Assembly 
annually, and the nomination by the people of their own 
justices, coroners, and officers of militia, provided they 
would buy at least one-half the value of the quit-rents in 
ready money, and the Assembly pass an act for the per- 
manent support of the government. But, when the 
representatives met in February,^ in obedience to the 
mandate of the governor, without doing aught that was 
prescribed, an act was passed, which Basse approved of, 
prohibiting the election as deputy or representative of 
any person either proxy or agent for any proprietor ; 

** They were directed to convene on the 21st, " by eight of the clock in the 
forenoon." E. J. Records. 



1694.1 CUSTOM-HOUSE AT PERTH AMBOY. 141 

and another, declaring at length the rights and privileges 
of the inhabitants of the province, differing in many 
respects from the established laws.^^ So that through 
the error of the proprietaries in England in selecting 
such an officer, and his own incapacity or want of integ- 
rity, their interests in East Jersey were in a far more 
critical position than for some years previous. The only 
matter in which the governor and assembly appear to 
have acted in concert with the views of the proprietaries, 
was the opposition shown to the unjust and harassing 
proceedings of New York in relation to the trade of the 
province, and in that the governor felt a personal in- 
terest. 

In 1694, in the hope to improve the foreign com- 
merce of the province, the General Assembly authorized 
the establishment of a custom-house at Perth Amboy, 
and required all vessels coming to East Jersey there first 
to enter. An act was also passed prohibiting the expor- 
tation of pipe-staves, shingles and plank, excepting to 
" places beyond the sea," which, however doubtful may 
seem the measure to us as warranting any assurance of 
benefit to East Jersey, was regarded by the authorities 
of New York as deeply prejudicial to that province. In 
allusion to it Governor Fletcher wrote : " They are now 
making war upon us in point of trade, they will draw 
the shipping thither and establish a free port, to the 
great prejudice of this place, and sink the trade of it ; 
they pay no duty to the king, and all will flock to it."^^ 

Owing either to the fact that but little advantage 
accrued to the one province, or detriment to the other, 
from the measures adopted, or to the friendly relations 

*8 Grants and Concessions, pp. 220, '^ Under date November 19th, 1694, 
368. See Note V. New York Colonial Papers. 



142 RIGHTS OP EAST JERSEY. [1697- 

which existed between their respective governors ; no 
steps were taken bj Governor Fletcher to resist this re- 
assertion of the independence of East Jersey in com- 
mercial matters, other than the reiteration in almost 
every despatch of his hope and desire that both the 
eastern and western provinces might be re-annexed to 
New York. This was a favorite theme with all the 
royal governors of that province,^^ and it is not therefore 
surprising — in conjunction with the reluctance of William 
to surrender any of the acquisitions of authority or pre- 
rogative which his predecessors had usurped, plainly 
evinced in his dealings with other provinces — that the 
subject being so frequently brought to the notice of the 
crown, should have led to the adoption of means calcu- 
lated to attain the end in view. 

Nothing could have been plainer than the decision 
given by Sir William Jones in 1680 as to the rights of 
East Jersey, but to confirm them, if possible, against the 
renewed attempts on their subversion, which were fore- 
seen, the proprietaries in June, 1697, obtained another 
opinion from eminent counsel adverse to the imposition 
of any customs otherwise than by act of Parliament and 
their own Assembly.^^ But, whatever effect this may 

'^ Governor Fletcher, when commis- ** The names of these lawyers were 
sioned in 1692, had Pennsylvania placed Sir John Havvles and Sir Croswell Le- 
within his government, William Penn vins. (Chalmers, p. 626, quoting Prop, 
having been deprived of his proprietary Records, A. p. 158.) Chalmers, followed 
functions ; and his instructions were cal- by Grahame, says these duties were im- 
culated to bring Connecticut also under posed by the Assembly of New York ; 
his control: and in November of that but there is nothing either in the minutes 
year, a strong hope was expressed by of that body, or in the laws of the pro- 
one of the New York Assembly that the vince subsequent to 1691, which indi- 
Jerseys and New Castle would also be cates such an origin. The acts com- 
annexed, which hope he said was their plained of by New Jersey were probably 
" strongest support." Grahame's U. S. the promptings of the king's arbitrary 
See Minutes New York Assembly. officers alone. Grahame also (apparent- 



1697.] LORD BELLAMONT'S PROCEEDINGS. J43 

have had favorable to the interests of East Jersey, the 
proceedings of Lord Bellamont, successor to Governor 
Fletcher in the province of New York, effectually dissi- 
pated. By his instructions, dated August 21st, 1697, he 
was directed to prevent the trade between the Indians 
and the inhabitants of East Jersey, on what grounds is 
not stated, and probably none existed save the enhance- 
ment of the New York revenues, and thereafter Lord 
Bellamont appears to have set himself studiously to 
work to obstruct also the foreign trade of the province. 
He informed the Board of Trade under date of May 8th, 
1698, that he had even forbidden the printing of procla- 
mations in New York, which Governor Basse was anx- 
ious to distribute, making known the establishment of 
the ports of Perth Am boy and Burlington. 

A few days thereafter he received a despatch dated 
the 23d February preceding, which had been by some 
means delayed in the transmission, conveying to him, as 
the result of the persevering efforts of himself and pre- 
decessors, an order from the crown denying the right of 

ly quoting Chalmers) calls Hawks and that of 1837 ; but as these sheets are 

Levins " crown lawyers," and states that passing through the press, a forthcoming 

the subject was referred to them by the American edition is announced with the 

government, and that their decision pro- author's last corrections, and it is proba- 

duced an abandonment of the preten- ble, as his attention had been drawn to 

sions of New York. (IL p. 298, Edit, some minor errors in his highly interest- 

1837.) Chalmers does not say the ques- ing epitome of New Jersey history, that 

tion was submitted by the government, the references made to his volumes may 

but that the proprietaries, on application not in all cases correspond with this new 

for the advice of these lawyers, obtained edition. The services of the gentlemen, 

the opinion. It assuredly did not cause who have been instrumental in procur- 

the aggressors to abandon their preten- ing the republication of the work, cannot 

sions, for we find them eighteen months be otherwise than highly appreciated by 

afterward still exercising their unjust au- every admirer of chasteness of style, per- 

thority to the prejudice of East Jersey, spicuity of arrangement, and fidelity of 

The edition of Mr. Grahame's valuable narration, 
work which is quoted in this volume, is 



144 COMMERCIAL DIFFICULTY. [1697. 

the proprietaries of both East and West Jersey to the 
privilege of ports ; and requiring him to " take care that 
the rights and privileges of the province of New York 
be not infringed :" and a proclamation was issued ac- 
cordingly. 

These proceedings were resisted by Governor Basse, 
with much more spirit than he had maifested in uphold- 
ing the interests of the proprietaries against the encroach- 
ments of the disaffected in the province. He issued a 
proclamation counter to that of Lord Bellamont, and by 
letter and in person advocated their cause, and persisted 
in claiming and exercising the privilege decreed for 
Perth Amboy.^^ This energetic conduct might have re- 
lieved his administration from some of the imputations 
which must rest upon it, did it not appear, as has been 
remarked, that he had a personal interest in the matter. 

A vessel had arrived at Perth Amboy in March, 
of which he was part owner, and she was now lying 
there, either waiting for a cargo or the settlement of the 
vexed question of the ports. As the latter result had not 
been attained as late as November, Basse carried his 
threat of open resistance into force, a cargo was put on 
board the vessel and preparations made for her depar- 
ture. His plans however were frustrated. The governor 
of New York when the ship was about to sail, sent 
down an armed force of forty men, seized and brought 
her to the city, and as Basse refused to receive her back 



'" N. Y. Colonial Papers, Feb. 23d, the commissioners of the revenue had 

May 8th, May 25th, May 27th, 1698. recognized Perth Amboy as a port, and 

3' N. Y. Colonial Papers, June 3Uth, appointed a collector who entered upon 

July 1st, Sept. 21st, 1698. Basse had the discharge of his duties in April, 

one important fact in his favor. Either 1698. 
through oversight or misunderstanding, 



1699.1 -"^CT OF ASSEMBLY. j45 

on condition of his having her cleared at New York, she 
was tried and condemned in the Court of Admiralty .^^ 

It was under these circumstances that the Assem- 
bly of East Jersey, at the session of February 1699, 
passed an act to raise the sum of six hundred and seven- 
ty-five pounds to defray the expense of remonstrating 
against injuries already sustained, and to prevent their 
infliction for the future, which, however, was probably 
never enforced.^^ In 1701, the matter was brought be- 



32 N. Y.Col. Papers, Dec. 14th, 1698, 
Feb. 23d, 1700. E. .T. Records. The 
ship was called the Hester, she was of 
120 tons burthen, and her lading con- 
sisted of 28,000 barrel staves. Basse in 
1700 appealed for redress to parliament. 
It appears from the N. Y. papers that 
another vessel had been previously dealt 
with, by Lord Bellamont, in the same 
way. 

■*' Grants and Concessions, p. 376. 
An interesting manuscript in the posses- 
sion of the New Jersey Historical So- 
ciety throws considerable light on the 
state of public opinion at this time. The 
sum when collected was to be paid into 
the hands of Andrew Bowne and others, 
stanch adherents of Basse. The New- 
ark deputies had opposed the act, and iu 
town meeting April 11th, 1699, received 
the thanks of the town therefor. [New- 
ark Records, p. 128.] The document 
referred to reads as follows : 

" To ye Townes of Perth Amboy, 
Elizabethtowne, Woodbridge, Freehold, 
Bergen, Shrewsbury, Middletown, Pis- 
cataqua, Aquechenonck, &c. 

Gentlemen : 

The meetings of our 
towne have considered an Act entituled 
an act for redressing a force of our 
Neighbour Province : and we find yt ye 
money Ordered to be raisd by that act 



is put into such hands as we have no 
reason to truste nor are we any waies 
secured yt ye money will be applyed for 
ye country's good ; but have great rea- 
son to believe ye contrary which has 
made us resolve not to pay it, but to 
resist all force that shall be usd for ye 
gathering of it and because the taking 
away of ye ship Hester has been made 
the only pretense for raising ye money 
mentioned in that act we have thought 
fit to let ye Proprietors know yt the 
country was ready enough to have de- 
fended her and that we are owing only 
to ye towardness of ye Govern'r for her 
Loss and we have also thought fit to 
Aquaint ym how he has Invaded our 
rights and priveledges. 

These be things friends and neighbours 
we thought fit to write unto you Hoping 
youl Joyne with us in Hindering the 
execution of so unreasonable an act and 
to remonstrate our Grievances. 

We are your friends : 
Signed by order of ye Towne of New- 
arke Aprill ye 21 : 1699: 

Nathaniel Ward, Clark 

Signed by Order of Eliza: Towne Aprill 

ye 21st 1699 

Saml. Whitehead, Clerk 

Signed By order of Perth Amboy Aprill 

25th 1699. 

John Barclay Clerk. 



10 



146 



INDEPENDENCE OF EAST JERSEY ASSERTED. 



[1699. 

fore the Court of King's Bench, and the rights of East 
Jersey fully established, but in the mean while, all the 
benefits that might have accrued to the province from the 
possession of a port were lost.^^ 

Governor Basse objected to the exercise of juris- 
diction within his government by the Court of Ad- 
miralty established in New York, prior to the seizure 
of his vessel, by resisting a requisition made upon him 
for two seamen, presumed to have belonged to a pirati- 
cal vessel, who had been captured in East Jersey; but 
subsequent reflection led him to obey the mandate when 
reiterated, being satisfied of his duty so to do, or of the 
want of jurisdiction in the provincial courts.^^ 



34 Smith's N. J., p. 571. 

'^ New York Col. Papers, July 1, 
1698. In 1G99, fourteen men were 
landed at Cape May who had been on 
piratical voyages in the East Indies, si.'i 
of whom were taken, and as there was 
no law authorizing their punishment in 
West Jersey, application was made to 
the government for their removal to En- 
gland for trial. [N. Y. Papers, Aug. 10, 
1699.] During Basse's administration 
several pirates made their appearance on 
the coast, causing considerable appre- 
hension. Among others, the famous 
William Kidd, after having been em- 
ployed by the government to suppress 
these bucaneers, from the knowledge he 
possessed of their numbers, strength, and 
places of resort, returned in 1699 from 
the East Indies, whither he had sailed 
after making several unsuccessful cruises 
on the American coast, — during his ab- 
sence having been engaged in the very 
practices he had engaged to prevent. 
This result appears to have been in a 
measure foreseen by the provincials. 
Governor Fletcher, writing to the Board 



of Trade, June 22, 1697, says: "One 
Captain Kidd lately arrived here and 
produced a commission under the great 
seal of England for suppressing of pira- 
cy. When he was here many flocked to 
him from all parts, men of desperate for- 
tunes and necessitous, in expectation of 
getting vast treasures." [By a note on 
page 136 it will be seen that the Jerseys 
contributed to this force.] " He sailed 
from hence with 150 men as I am infomi- 
ed ; a great part of them are of this pro- 
vince. It is generally believed here they 
would have money per fas et nefas, 
that if he miss of the design intended 
for ichich he has commission 'twill not 
he in Kidd's power to govern such a 
horde of men under no pay." (N. Y. 
Papers.) Kidd, in May, 1691, received 
150 pounds from the New York Asseyi- 
bly for his services " in attending with 
his vessels before his excellency's [Gov. 
Slaughter's] arrival" and the next month 
he was in Boston beating up recruits for 
an expedition against a French priva- 
teer then off the coast, under the patron- 
age of the Assembly of Massachusetts. 



1699.1 PROCEEDINGS OF BASSE'S OPPONENTS. |47 

The refusal to recognize Basse as the rightful gov- 
ernor of the province, did not rest as merely a matter of 
opinion or for speculation in the minds of those by whom 
his authority was disavowed ; but as his power increas- 
ed by combinations with the opponents of the proprieta- 
ries, it was not only proclaimed in word, but deeds con- 
sistent therewith followed. His government being 
openly defied, the offenders were imprisoned ; the 
jails where they were confined were broken into by 
force of arms, and they liberated ; officers while dis- 
charging their duties were abused and maltreated ; and 
perfect anarchy and confusion at last prevailed.^*^ Al- 
though probably in the ascendant, yet Basse found his 
situation so disagreeable that he at last abandoned it and 
sailed for England in May or June 1699, leaving Andrew 
Bowne of the council — who had always been identified 
with the opponents of the proprietaries — deputy-governor 
during his absence f a legacy not at all calculated to 
heal the wounds his administration had inflicted upon 
both the rights of the proprietaries and the welfare of 
the province, although his departure certainly removed 
one great obstacle to the re-establishment of peace and 
order. 

Bowne, as president of the council, being in the 
absence of the governor the proper personage to succeed 
him, his authority does not appear to have been ques- 
tioned, however little respected he may have been per- 

— Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d Series, Vol. I. in Boston, sent to England, and there 

His subsequent career is too well known executed in 1701. 

to require comment here. On his ap- '^^ Bill in Chancery, pp. 45, 124, App. 

pearance in lG99,the authorities of East 33. 

Jersey issued a proclamation, directing ^^ E. J. Records. Bowne was com- 

his capture and the detention of his ves- missioned on the 20th, and was in the 

sel — E. J. Records C, Laws p. 294 — and execution of his duties on the 30th 

in the same year he was made prisoner May. 



]48 OBJECTIONS TO HAMILTON REMOVED. [1699. 

sonally, and the tumults in the province were to some 
extent quieted. Still the condition of affairs from the 
ill feelinirs that had been produced within, and the ob- 
structions to their prosperity without the provmce, was 
far from presenting the favorable aspect which the ad- 
ministration of Governor Hamilton had generated, al- 
thouo^h less than two years had elapsed. It was under 
these circumstances that he was restored to the province, 
having been reappointed for one year, on the arrival of 
Basse in Eno;land ; entering upon the discharge of his 
duties towards the close of 1699.^^ 

The proprietaries in England, having ascertained 
that the king's attorney and the solicitor-general were 
of opinion that a native of Scotland did not come under 
the prohibitions of the act of parliament which has been 
referred to,^^ were induced to reappoint Governor Ham- 
ilton, in the hope that, as he had previously ruled the 
province to the general satisfaction of the inhabitants, 
his return would be the most effectual remedy for the 
prevaihng disorder.^'' On presenting his name to the 
lords of trade for the required confirmation of his pow- 
ers, the proprietaries found that a trial in the courts of 
law, of their right to govern their province, had been re- 
solved on, and consequently no approval of any one as 

^8 He was commissioned Aug. 19, reported that the act did not prevent the 

1699. E. J. Records, C, p. 311. exercise of official duties by Scots, they 

•" See page 138. Their opinion was being native born subjects of England in 

not publicly made known and the ques- the meaning of the act. E. J. Records, 

tion legally decided until May, 1700, Vol. IV. C, Laws p. 331. 

when it came up at Hampton Court, be- *° Smith's N. J., p. 565. Bill in 

fore the king and council, on a petition Chancery, p. 124. Grahame, in citing 

from an officer in Barbadoes who had the precedents of Governor Barclay and 

been dispossessed of his office on the Lord Neill Campbell, did not notice the 

.same grounds. Thomas Trevor and fact that the act, to which the proprie- 

.Toseph Hawles, the former his majesty's taries were anxious to conform, was not 

attorney and the latter solicitor-general, passed till 1697. 



1699.1 GOVERNOR HAMILTON RETURNS. 149 

their governor would be granted ; but inasmuch as the 
preservation of peace and the prosperity of the people 
forbade the abandonment of all government while the 
question was being determined, an opinion was express- 
ed that they would incur no danger by commissioning 
Hamilton, and that he would be safe in performing his 
duties as governor, so long as he acted in accordance 
with the laws of England."*' 

These circumstances were made known by Gover- 
nor Hamilton on proclaiming his commission, and his 
authority was generally submitted to ; but the want of 
the king's express approbation, which in Basse's 
case had been overlooked by his adherents, on the 
ground that it was a matter lying between the pro- 
prietaries and the crown, was now, by the same party, 
made an insuperable obstacle to obedience. At least 
such was the avowed cause of their objections, but the 
true one lay rather in the deep-rooted aversion to the 
proprietary government, in whatever form presented or 
by whomsoever exercised, unless by some one in their 
interests. A belief was fostered that its destruction 
would be a preliminary step to the abolition of all obli- 
gations to the proprietaries as owners of the soil and 
quit-rents ; which, however erroneous, served to unite 
the disaffected much more closely than any other bond 

^' Smiih's N. J., p. 566. Grants and done in the present case." The New 

Concessions, pp. 592, 593. From a York papers furnish a letter from the 

paper in Smith, p. 569, it appears that Board of Trade to Lord Bellamont, (see 

the ground to be taken on the trial was, Note W.,) showing that the determina- 

that a grant of power such as that to tion to try the right of government sprung 

the Duke of York, was " unalienable out of the dislike felt to abandon the 

from the person to whom it was granted, ground taken respecting the ports, and 

not to be assigned by him to any other, with the view probably of forcing the 

much less divided, sub-divided and con- proprietaries into concessions, 
veyed from one to another, as had been 



150 HAMILTON MEETS THE ASSEMBLY. [1700. 

of union could possibly have done, not so immediately 
affecting their pecuniary interests.'*^ 

The governor convened an assembly the ensuing May, 
but the majority being adverse to the proprietary inter- 
ests and his own authority, he deemed it prudent, as the 
members neglected through debate among themselves to 
elect a speaker on the first day of the session, to profit by 
some technicality thereby offered, to dissolve it the day 
after.^^ It was on this occasion that the validity of his 
commission was for the first time openly called in ques- 
tion, but tumultuous and seditious meetings were subse- 
quently held, the justices appointed by him were as- 
saulted, while sitting in open court, by bodies of armed 
men, the sheriffs were attacked and wounded when in 
the discharge of their duties, and every exertion made 
to seduce those peaceably disposed from their allegiance 
to the government : so that this period became known 
in after years as " the Revolution." ^^ 

Governor Hamilton on the loth August issued his 
proclamation''^ denouncing these illegal proceedings, 
and was enabled to keep up a nominal authority in the 
province, although the opposition of even some of the 
board of proprietors^^ was brought to bear against him ; 
for, as if to unite the factious among the inhabitants still 
closer in their disorganizing schemes by giving them a 
leader, they had selected and commissioned as governor 
Andrew Bowne, who, although a member of the council, 
was an advocate of the claims founded on the Indian 

*^ Bill in Chancery, p. 124. of Richard Salter (a factious and sedi- 

■•^ See Note X, for a letter from tious person) obtruded upon ihem by 

Hamilton referring to these proceedings. William Dockwra" — say several of the 

** Bill in Chancery, p. 45, App. 33. proprietaries, subsequently, in a protest 

*^ E.J. Records, C, Laws p. 328. to the governor and assembly. 
*^ " Misled by false representations 



1702.] PETITIONS TO THE LORDS OF TRADE. 15 ^ 

titles. His title to obedience, however, was soon an- 
nulled, for on presenting his credentials to the council 
on 17th June, 1700, the number of signers proved so 
greatly deficient that his claims were at once disal- 
lowed."^ 

A crisis had evidently arrived in the affairs of the 
province which the proprietaries were not prepared to 
encounter successfully. As a body they had become so 
numerous, so scattered, and so divided in interests, that 
unanimity in council could hardly be expected ; and yet, 
the inhabitants were pursuing such a system of mea- 
sures, as required the utmost wisdom to project, with 
equal firmness and union to administer, such remedies 
as could alone lead to the re-establishment of peace and 
regularity : — without these necessary quahties to con- 
trol their opponents but one result could be anticipated. 
The truth became manifest that their private emolu- 
ments were curtailed, even their title to the soil endan- 
gered'*^ by the deranged state of the province, and the 
threatened procedure to test their right to its govern- 
ment gave little promise of repose for some years. 

Petitions flowed in upon the lords of trade and plan- 
tations, so diverse in their nature and contradictory in 
their statements, as well betrayed the disorder and mis- 
rule that prevailed.''^ Many of the proprietaries were 
anxious that the express approbation of the king should 
be given to the appointment of Governor Hamilton until 

*' E. J. Records, C, p. 334. There possession of quantities of vacant lands 

were only four and a half proprieties re- which in many instances they succeeded 

presented instead of sixteen. in retaining. Bill in Chancery, p. 46, 

*^ Some of the opponents of the pro- and App. p. 5, &c. 
prietaries, profiting by the confusion that ■'9 g^g Appendix to Smith's New Jer- 

prevailed in their councils, made large sey, and Appendix to Bill in Chancery, 

purchases from the Indians, and took for some of these petitions. 



/ 



152 THE GOVERNMENT SURRENDERED. [1702. 

their right to the government was determined, or the 
terms for its rehnquishment agreed upon, conceiving that 
such a course would at once quiet the province ; others, 
however, were opposed to Governor Hamilton, as has 
been seen, and in favor of the surrender to the crown 
unconditionally ; while a third party, comprising the 
claimants under Indian titles and the Nicholls grant, 
were more desirous to subvert the authority of the pro- 
prietaries than anxious as to the government that might 
succeed. Factions were so prevalent and so strong — 
the favor of the king so little to be expected — and the 
proprietaries so wavering and feeble, that they were 
obliged to yield to the force of circumstances ; — the 
powers of government were surrendered to the crown of 
England. 

The negotiations which preceded this event extended 
from the month of July, 1699, to April 15th, 1702, when 
the surrender was perfected,^" and on the 17th of the 

*" See Smith's N. J., pp. 211 to 220, years after the grant to the twenty-four 
for both instruments at length. The (1746) there was not a male lineal de- 
proprietaries who signed away the sove- scendant of the whole number (ex- 
reignty of East Jersey were Peter Son- cepting the rights of the Penns, and two 
mans, Joseph Ormston, Charles Orms- or three small plantations occupied by 
ton, Edward Antill, George Willocks, the Hartshornes and Warnes) enjoying 
Francis Hancock, Sir Thomas Lane, "a foot of land in East Jersey" — areflec- 
Paul Dominique, Robert Mitchell, Joseph tion which should "abate our ardor in 
Brooksbank, Edw'd. Richier, Michael the pursuit of lands and wealth, and 
Watts, Clement Plumstead, Robert Bur- make us think ourselves, at best, but 
net. Miles Forster, John Johnstone, Mi- tenants in common to the blessings which 
chael Hawdon, John Barclay, David the earth produces, and co-heirs of the 
Lyell, Thomas Warne, Thomas Gordon, gifts of nature." " A Pocket Commen- 
Thomas Barker, Thomas Cooper, Gilbert tary of the first settling of New Jersey 
Mollison, Richard Hasel and William ly the Europeans : and an account or 
Dockwra. Only three of these names, fair detail of the original Indian E. J. 
those in italics, were of the twenty-four, Grants, and other rights of the like 
who nineteen years previous had re- tenor in East New Jersey. Digested 
ceived the grant from the Duke of York, in order. New York, printed by Samuel 
And it was said in 1759, that sixty-four Parker, 1759." This little work, con- 



l70'-2.] WEST JERSEY. ^53 

same month it was accepted by her majesty Queen Anne, 
who [lad ascended the throne on the death of William, 
the preceding nionth.^' The proprietaries at ditl'erent 
times had presented specific provisions, respecting their 
title to the soil, the privileges of the inhabitants, and the 
important matter of the ports, which thev wished to 
have incorporated in the act of surrender ; but the adju- 
dication of the case of Governor Basse against Lord 
Bellamont for the seizure of his vessel,^ having satisfac- 
torily settled the ri:j;hts of the province as regards the 
last named particular, the others were tinally waived and 
the surrender executed absolutelv, and unrestricted bv 
any provisions ; with an understanding, however, that 
all their legal rights as owners o( the lands and quit- 
rents should be respected. Indeed the wishes of those 
interested appear to have been consulted on almost 
every [Kiint ; and it was considered that the privileges 
of the people, as confirmed t<i them by the conces- 
sions, fundamental constitutions, and laws of the pro- 
prietaries, were to remain unimpaired, and the govern- 
ment of the province to continue to be exercised in 
conformitv therewith.'^ 

West Jersey had enjoyed a nuich greater share o( 
trancpiiUity, if not prosperity, than the eastern province; 
but nevertheless, there too the people were too little in 

••utiirn{ luuny intfrvsiitnj, thuutfti trivitil, suuiiimtiua ot" tlie surrviuler. .\jiii y«?t 
•murks respecling men ami thinjjs in he quutes tn»m a pnjp-yf Sinith.contiutJ- 
New Jer«-y. is in th«" Pliilailelphia Li- init an aiUfrfseto thekinsihittni Juriuary. 
irary — ilie otily copy ever seen or hearU 1701-3, wliii-lj should have nuule him 
of by the writer. aware tliut William Jieil ui what we 

" (lortlon, p. 55.a)j:tiiti njistnking old would call March. 17U2. 
Jiyle toriiew.as William died in March. ** See pajfe 14J. 

1701. conueivts that he died variit in " Smith's N J., pp. "itjJJ. 'it>5. 560. 

that year, and that, iherelore. u year j(>tj, «Sti;. Grunts and Concessions, p 

elapted utter his death before the con- til)U.&c. 



154 THE PROVINCE JOINED TO NEW-YORK. 1702. 

favor of the government established over them to render 
its due administration practicable with safety to the 
seignorial rights of the proprietaries ; and as their autho- 
rity was also to be contested with that of their neigh- 
bors of East Jersey, they, anxious to be free from actual 
and anticipated evils, participated in the surrender.^^ 

After the execution of the Quintipartite deed in 
1676, the province had its distinct government and offi- 
cers ; but in 1692, when Andrew Hamilton received the 
appointment of governor from the eastern proprietaries, 
West Jersey was also confided to his care, and he con- 
tinued nominally its governor, until the surrender, 
(residing part of his time at Burlington,) excepting while 
absent in England during the administration of Basse. 
With the exception of the question of boundaries,^ 
there does not appear to have been any transaction in 
which the two provinces participated during this period, 
or any negotiations or correspondence relating to matters 
of public interest. 

On the acceptance by the crown of the powers of 
government tendered by the proprietaries, the two pro- 
vinces were united and placed, together with New York, 
under one governor, possessing, however, a council and 
assembly distinct from that province. It is probable 
the proprietaries would have been permitted to nomi- 

^^ Byllinge would not allow that on Daniel Coxe, a large proprietary, pur- 

the transfer of the province to his as- chased the interest of his heirs in the 

signees, he had parted with his right of soil and government, and administered 

government, and until 1683 a deputy- the latter by deputy till 1690. In the fol- 

governor under him was recognized in lowing year he disposed of his interest 

the province. In that year a governor to a company styled the West Jersey 

was elected by the people, but subse- Society, who were the parties by whom 

quently the pretensions of Byllinge were the surrender was made, 
again acknowledged, and a deputy from ** See page 67, note. 

him received ; but on his death in 1687, 



1702.1 ANDREW HAMILTON. ^55 

nate the first governor could they have agreed among 
themselves upon a suitable person ; but failing in this, the 
office was conferred upon the queen's kinsman, Edward 
Hyde, Lord Viscount Cornbury — grandson of the Chan- 
cellor Earl of Clarendon — who had been proposed by 
King William before his death, on account of his services 
rendered in the enterprise which gave him possession of 
the throne of England. ^"^ His commission and instruc- 
tions having been submitted, and approved by the pro- 
prietaries, were issued immediately after the surrender 
of the government was completed ; and on 3rd May, 
1703, Cornbury arrived at New York. 



ANDREW HAMILTON. 



The encomiams passed upon the integrity and abilities of Governor 
Hamilton, by the proprietaries, have already been noticed, and from 
what is there shown of his administration, we may believe their 
confidence to have been well bestowed. His qualities, as a man, appear 
to have made him more esteemed in. the province than any of his prede- 
cessors, but we are debarred the satisfaction of regarding him in the 
private walks of life, in consequence of the few materials furnisiicd by 
the existing records of his time. 

When recommended to Lord Neill Campbell by the proprietaries, for 
the services he had rendered during his previous visit to the province, he 
was authorized to receive forty pounds sterling, or a grant for five hun- 
dred acres of land, whichever he might elect, in consideration of the 
•'charges and paines" he had incurred.^'^ It is also stated that he was 
about " transferring his family towards the improvement of his planta- 
tion," but whether we are to include a wife among the number is uncer- 

*^ Smith's N. J., 220. Hist. William dard on his landing at Torbay, taking 
ni., Lond 1702. Cornbury was among his regiment with him. 
the first officers who deserted to his stan- =7 E. J. Records, B, 25. 



]56 JEREMIAH BASSE, [1702. 

tain, for after he had been some time in the province, he married Ann. 
the widow of Robert Wharton, of JNew York, and daughter of the for- 
mer Deputy-Governor Rudyard. He may liave married again, subse- 
quently, for in his will his widow and legatee is called Agnes. 

He died in Philadelphia, January, 1709, then holding the office of 
Deputy-Governor of Pennsylvania,^^ to which he had been appointed on 
1st November, 1701. His being selected by William Penn as his rep- 
resentative is an additional proof of his worth. 

No connection has been traced between Governor Hamilton and An- 
drew Hamilton, the eminent lawyer of Philadelphia, who died in 1741. 
but it is probable some relationship existed. The governor left one son, 
John, who subsequently held several offices in New Jersey, under the 
Royal Provincial government, and has the credit of devising the scheme 
for the establishment of post offices in the colonies. He obtained a pa- 
tent for it about 1694, and afterwards sold his right to the crown. 



JEREMIAH BASSE. 



How long Mr. Basse had been absent from the province when ap- 
pointed governor by the proprietaries in England, does not appear : 
but the ease with which the unquiet, designing spirits among which he 
was thrown made him their pliant servant, would incline us to believe 
that he was not prepared, by the information he had received of the 
state of (he province, for the excitement and contentions which at (hat 
time existed. As it has been shown, however, that where his pecuniary 
interests coincided with those of the proprietaries, he exhibited a good 
degree of firmness in the discharge of his duties, he may have been in 
1699, what the landholders' party style him in 1710, their "great debtor,'"' 
and consequently disposed to identify himself with their opponents. 

Unfavorable as is the impression made by his administration of the 
affairs of East Jersey, it is rather increased than lessened by his subse- 
quent career. He did not return to the province until the government 
had passed into the possession of the Crown. He then came over as 
secretary under Lord Cornbury, and if a man's associates are ever to 
be allowed to influence an opinion of his character, there is some pallia- 
tion in permitting such a connection to bear unfavorably upon Mr. Basse. 
We find, too, that he shared in the obloquy of his lordship's adniinistra- 

*" Proud's Pennsylvania, I. p. 454. *' Smith's N. J. 



1702.1 JEREMIAH BASSE. I57 

tion, and subsequent kindred proceedings ; the House of Assembly in 
1710, openly accusing him to Governor Hunter of malversation in his 
offices of Clerk of Council, Secretary of the Province, and Prothonotary 
of the Supreme Court, — of a disregard of truth, — of allowing himself to 
be made the tool of a faction : — and expressly name him as one of those 
whose continuance in otFiccs of trust must ever endanger the liberties and 
property of those interested in the province.^" Every possible allowance 
should be made for the warmth of political opponents, but there is no- 
thing to be found conflicting with the general truth of the Assembly's 
representation, while circumstances of a confirmatory character are not 
wanting. In 1716, Mr. Basse was elected a representative from Cape 
May, having become a resident of that county ; and in 1719, he was At- 
torney General of the Province, a distinction which would indicate the 
possession of greater popularity. 

He died in 1725, and the following extracts from his will are given, 
as containing expressions which, if sincere, may deliver his memory from 
undue censure: while at the same time they are curious and interesting, 
exhibiting the general character of the most systematic wills of that day, 
and embodying information referring to St. Mary's Church at Burlington. 
"In The Nan)e of God Amen." 

•' I Jeremiah Bass of Burlington, in Province of New Jersey, Being 
att This time By the Good Providence of God, of Sound Mind and Mem- 
ory, (Blessed Be His Name lor the Same,) Considering seriously the un- 
sertainty of This Transatory Life, and Those many accidents that May 
disable me from settling That Estate that God in His mercy Hath in- 
vested me with, and being sensable In the time of Sickness, and on a 
Death Bead, the Most Prepared person will Have Enough To Doe To 
Contemplate the Estate He is Entring into in which His portion ol' Joy 
and Sorrow must Certainly Be adjudged To Him without any Alteration 
To all Eternity." 

" I doe therefore Make and declare this To Be My Last will and 
Testament, Revoking and Dis ^annulling all other or former wills By 
Me Mad and declared." 

"Imprimis I Comitt my Soul To God That Gave iit and my Body 
To Be desantly enterred without any pomp, and I do Ernestly desire 
that Great Care may Be Taken to prevent all Manner of Rudeness that 
May Be occationed By To Much Strong Lickquor and If There Be any 
Minister of Episcopal ordination Residing In Town, or Esie To Be Had 
Let a funerall Sermond Be preached from ye 19th of Job 25 : 26 and 27th 
verses ; and The psalms To be Sung, part of the 103 from verse ye 10th 
To the End, and the 90th psalm after The new Translation. — Thus my 
Desire Is To Be Buried according To The Rites and Serimoneys of The 
Best of Churches, the Church of England, of which [I call myself] an 
unworthy Member and In which Communion I desire [I may die.] My 
60 Smith's N. J., pp. 395, 398. 



158 JEREMIAH BASSE. [1702. 

Life May not In all Things and att all times Been Corispondant to The 
Rules of So good and holy a Religion, yet I trust my Sins shall Be 
Bloted out and My pardon sealed through The alone Merits and medi- 
ation of my Blesd Lord and Savor Jesus Christ, who as Second per 
son In The Holy and In the undivided Trinity, In the Beginning Mad 
the world and all These Glorious Orbs of Light that Bespangle the fer- 
mament who in ye fullness of time after as The Divine Logos he had 
In a More pecular Maner Governed the Jewish Church Took our na- 
ture upon him, and was Born of the Virgin Mary, and Being Crucified 
By pontius pilate He raised Himself up from the Grave By His own 
power, and on His assentioninto heaven Established for himself a King- 
dom In this world which is His Church altogether independent on The 
Civill Magistrate In Matters purely Spirituall, and appointed His Apos- 
tles and Ther Successors the Bishops Prests and Deacons as His offi. 
sers and Ministers of That Kingdom which He will Sopport and Maintain 
against all Oppositions till the End of The world and finall Judgment and 
that this Truth may Be more promulgated and taught My will and De- 
sire is that lorty shillings sterling per annum [be paid to] some honest 
and worthy Minister of Episcopal ordination more Perticulerly the Rec- 
tor of the Church of St. Mary's in Burlington for the time Being or if 
ther should Be a vacancy there, and that Church Be suplied then to 
the Ministers of Christ Church in Philadelphia, and ther successors for 
the preaching two sermons annually, the one on Easter Sunday and the 
other on Whitsunday for the Mentaining and illustration of this great truth 
and for due and punctuall payment of this Legacy I charge all My Real 
Estate in the town of Burlington." 

He then proceeds with the division of his property, leaving his wife 
Elizabeth executrix during her widowhood, to act with the advice 
and consent of his son-in-law, Robert Talbot, and Andrew Hamilton, of 
Philadelphia : but should she marry again, his daughters, Katherine 
Talbot and Ann Bass, and his son Burchfield, were to be Joint execu- 
tors in her place. He willed that should his children all die without 
heirs before a full and entire division of the estate took place, such part 
as might be remaining was then to be given to the, — 

"Minister, Churchwardens and vestory of the Church of Saint Ma- 
ry's in Burlington and To Ther Successors for and towards the augmen- 
tation of ye Living of the Said Church and The encouragement of Cat- 
echising Every Wensday and Friday in Lent." 

Item my Desire Is that if it can well Be avoided my Library Be not 
Sold But Be preserved for the yoose of My Son Burchfield if He In- 
cline to Learning and aplie Himself To the Study and pursue either of 
Divinity Law or phisig. But in Case His Inclination do not Lead Him 
To any of These Study's To Be divided amongs My Children unless 
my Son Talbot Shall Incline to account att a just valine in Law of so 
Much of any other part of My Estate always provided that My Wife 



1702.] MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS. I59 

and Daughter Ann Have the prevelldge of chosing what they Like out 
ofthe Books of Divinity or History or Morality on the same terms."^' 

This will was dated January 1724, and was proved before the Surro- 
gate on 9th August 1725. 

Whether any ofthe descendants of Governor Basse are yet living in 
the state is not known. 



MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS. 



Having brought the narrative down to the transfer ofthe government 
to the Crown, it may be of service, in forming a just conception of the 
actual state of the province at this time, as well as ofthe manner in which 
the proprietaries discharged their duties as chiefs of the commonwealth, 
to notice several miscellaneous topics connected directly or indirectly with 
its advancement in the various concomitants of civilization. 

Some statements have already been made respecting the increase of 
population up to the year 1692,^^ and it is to be regretted that no defi- 
nite data exist on which to base any satisfactory estimates for the ensu- 
ing ten years. It is probable, however, that, from the uncertain tenure 
of lands, and the distracted condition ofthe government during that pe- 
riod, there was little immigration into East Jersey. We are enabled to 
form some conclusion ofthe relative importance ofthe different counties, 
and of their respective advancement in wealth and population, by the 
assessments laid at two periods by the Assembly. In 1683, to raise fift}" 
pounds, the four counties then existing were assessed in the followincr 
proportions : 

Bergen, £11. Essex, £14. 

Middlesex, £10. Monmouth, £15. 

In 1693, each county was divided into its several townships, and to 
raise in 1694, the sum of £79 12s. 9d., the following proportions were 
enacted, exhibiting the relative importance of each town, as well as of 
each county : 

*' It was thought advisable to trans- the testator's death ; although it is pro- 

cribe the document literally, excepting bable some of the peculiarities of ortho- 

the substitution of the letter u for v, graphy may have been those of the co- 

(which is used throughout instead,) the pyist. 
copy which is followed having evidently ®* See page 131. 

been made with great care and soon after 



160 



FACILITIES FOR TRAVELLING. 



Bergen, 
Essex, 

Middlesex. 

Monmouth, 
Somerset, 



Bergen, 
Hnckensack, 



£ s d 
7 9 6 
3 IS 9 



f Acqackanonck and ^ r lo 
I .\ew Bar ha does, ^ 



Newark. 



t Elizabethtown, 

( Woodbridge, 
} Piscalaway, 
I Perth Araboy, 

iMiddletown, 
Shrewsbury, 
Freehold, 



6 15 

11 2 

8 5 
5 6 

2 

9 17 6 
11 17 

3 14 



[1693. 

£ s d 
11 8 3 



24 12 



15 11 



25 8 6 
2 13 

£79 12 9 



From this table it appears that Monmouth County still remained the 
first in importance, but Essex, since 1683, had rather gained ground in 
the strife for preeminence. Middlesex had not improved in the same 
proportion, but iiad far exceeded Bergen, which must either have been 
overrated previously, or became less populous and wealthy. 

For the change which time had wrought in the face of the country, we 
are left to conjecture, no definite information respecting the character and 
quantity of the agricultural productions being obtainable ; but it is very 
evident that, the labors of the husbandman must necessarily have been 
confined to narrow limits in the immediate neighborhood of the several 
settlements, from the few facilities that were afforded for communication 
with the interior, other than those which the rivers presented. It is diffi- 
cult to realize that, at the period to which this narative refers, many of 
the principal roads — those great arteries, of such essential service in the 
circulation ofintelligence and wealth throughout the body politic, — were 
yet shrouded in wood, or unmarked on the barren heath. 

The only Indian path, or track, of which there is any record, was one 
which has been mentioned, extending from Shrewsbury river to the 
northwest limits of the province ; and the only road opened bj^ the Dutch, 
appears to have been that by which intercourse was kept up with the 
settlements on the Delaware, in what is now Maryland. It was con- 
nected with New Amsterdam by a water communication from Elizabeth- 
town point, or thereabout, and ran to the Raritan river at a point near 
where the present New Brunswick stands; its route probably being the 
same with what is now known as the old road between those places. The 
Raritan was forded at low water, and the road ran thence in almost a 



1675-83.] FACILITIES FOR TRAVELLING. . jgj 

straight line to the Delaware, (above where Trenton now stands,) which 
was also forded. This was called "the upper road;" another, which 
branched off five or six miles from the Raritan, and arrived at the Dela- 
ware by a more circuitous route at the site of the present Burlington, 
was called '-the lower road." ^^ 

The Communipau ferry, established in 1661,^^ was placed under due 
regulations by Governor Carteret in 1669, and continued for many years 
the only authorized mode of communicating with New York from the 
Bergen district.^^ 

The first public measures for the improvement or establishment of 
roads, seem to have been adopted in 1675. In November of that year 
it was enacted that two men in each town should be appointed " to lay 
out common highways :" and in April following, the appointment of per- 
sons was directed to be made by the towns of Middletown and Piscata- 
way, •' to make out the nearest and most convenient way that may be 
found, between the said towns, upon the country chargc."^^ This was 
required to be done in thirty days, (indicating that the topography of 
the country was such as rendered the opening of the road a work of 
little labor,) under ' the penalty of what damage might ensue for the want 
thereof 

These measures were ibllowed in Marcli, 1682-3 ^^ by the appointment 
of commissioners from among the most influential men in the province, 
" to lay out and appoint" in the different counties, (Essex, Bergen, Mid- 
dlesex and Monmouth being all then existing.) " all necessary highways, 
bridges, passages, landings and ferries, fit and apt for travelling passages, 
and landing of goods.'' These Boards continued in existence for several 
years, and under their direction the first system of intercommunication 
was established. They made a return to the governor of the routes se- 
jected, and the roadswhen made were to be kept in order by the person 
town, or township deriving the greatest benefit from them. The present 
generation travel many of the roads laid out by these commissioners. 

In July, 1683, instructions were issued to Deputy-Governor Lawrie 
calculated to effect the establishment oi' a road between the new capital 

*^ Bill in Chancery, p. 5. all times, but more particularly on three 

** See page 20. days in the week, to be agreed upon 

^^ Rates were established for the unanimously by the inhabitants of Ber- 

transportation of Corn, Barrels and Half gen and Communipau, when they were 

Barrels of Beer, other goods and liquors obliged to attend punctually. Subse- 

in casks. Horses, Oxen, Cows, Hogs and quently the ferryman was a personage of 

Sheep, as well as for passengers, in fair sufficient importance to be elected by the 

weather, but "by night or in unseasona- people. — E. J. Records, Lib. III., p. 27, 

ble weather," the rates were as the par- ®^ Grants and Concessions, p. 118. 

ties might agree. The ferryman was *' Grants and Concessions, pp. 256, 

obliged to keep his boat in readiness at 294, 22 L 

11 



162 FACILITIES FOR TRAVELLING. [1695-8,. 

"Perth town," and Burlington ; and Lawrie, the ensuing year, carried 
the plan into execution. The road was opened, and a ferry-boat, for 
the transportation of freight as well as passengers, connected it with 
New York ; but notwithstanding strenuous exertions were used to make 
the route preferable to the other, by the way of New Brunswick, they 
were unsuccessful. In 1698, the proprietaries directed Gov. Basse to 
procure from the Assembly a specific act making it, by law, the public 
road, and providing for its good condition ; but no such endorsement wa& 
secured.^^ 

The preference manifested for the old road did not raise its character 
materially, but in 1695 its improvement was contemplated by laying a 
tax for five years on the Inn-holders of Piscataway, Woodbridge, and 
Elizabethtown, to prevent its "falling into decay,"^^ and on the 2d De- 
cember, 1697, the ford at New Brunswick was changed into an estab- 
lished ferry.'^" The only public conveyance through the province previ- 
ous to the surrender, of which any knowledge has been obtained, was a 
wagon on the Amboy road, which, under authority from Governor 
Hamilton, ran at irregular times, and without established rates, in con- 
nection with the packet-boat to New York.''' 

The progress of legislation and its objects, have been cursorily noticed 
ill connection with the regular course of the narration, but an examina- 
tion into the tenor of some of the laws not particularly noticed elsewhere 
may afford interest, at least, if not instruction. 

Although thirty-four years had elapsed since the exercise of legisla- 
tive powers in the province, yet. so unsettled had been the government 
for much of that period, that at the time of ihe surrender, the laws were 
still marked by much of that instability and inapplicability to the wants 
and circumstances of the people, which usually characterise those of in- 
experienced or young communities. The diversity of national habits, of 
associations and education among the people, tended not a little to increase 
the difficulty and prevent the adoption of a systematic code of laws. The 
descendant of Puritans from New England, the persecuted dissenter from 

** Grants and Concessions, pp. 256, wife at five shillings sterling per annum. 
294,221. It is doubtful if the transportation of 

*" Grants and Concessions. The sum heavy vehicles or of merchandise was 
required annually to keep the road in provided for. Even in 1716, an ordi- 
repair at that time was ten pounds; nance of Governor Burnet's, prescribing 
three were paid by the innholders at the rates of ferriage, only provides for 
Piscataway, fifty shillings by those at " Horse and Man," and " single per- 
Woodbridge, and the remainder by those sons." At that time all goods carried 
in Elizabethtown. between New York and Philadelphia 

'• Called subsequently -'Inian's ferry " went by the way of Amboy. — E.J. Re- 
from John Inians, who was the first cords. Bill in Chancery, p. 5. Neville'9 
grantee ; the privilege to continue dur- Laws, I. p. 60. 
inf the natural lives of both himself and 7' Smith's N. J., p. 302. 



1668.J EARLY PENAL LAWS. jg;j 

Britain, the peaceful republican Quaker, and the staunch friend to roy- 
alty, here met on common ground ; naturally disposed to carry out each 
his own views as to what constituted good government, and either to 
withhold his approbation to measures proposed by his fellow legislators. 
or to profit by the first opportunity to substitute his own. Even when 
apparently united in a desire to advance the prosperity of the province 
by wholesome laws, a wrong estimate of the means to be adopted too 
often thwarted their endeavors. 

The spirit of the settlers from New England is plainly manifested 
in the penal laws which were early passed, and— although modified to 
some extent by the views of the less rigid immigrants from Europe- 
continued for the most part in force during the whole period of the pro- 
prietary governments. Drawing upon the Levitical code for many of the 
provisions and for much ol' the language of their laws, the descendants 
of the Puritans set up, in the penalties prescribed lor their offending 
neighbors, an enduring memorial of the influence they possessed and ex- 
ercised over their fellow colonists from other quarters ; and it is fortunate 
that the rights and privileges of the inhabitants of East Jersey, in relation 
to religious liberty, were so expressly guarantied in the concessions and 
fundamental constitutions of the province, or we might have to read a 
record of assumed powers for the regulation of man's belief' Gordon 



'* See page 44, for the regulations for 
Newark, where the New England peo- 
ple were supreme. The author would 
not be understood as undervaluing the 
character or the services of the Puritan 
settlers of New Jersey. To them and 
10 their descendants is the state indebted 
for much of the stability of its institu- 
tions, the prevalence of virtuous princi- 
ples among its population, and the great 
deference for the laws which has, with 
so few exceptions, existed within its 
limits. 

During the period of provincial his- 
tory to which the foregoing narrative 
refers, the Newark people appear to 
have ever continued steadfast to law and 
order notwithstanding their proximity to 
Elizabethtown, where disorganizing doc- 
trines and proceedings were so preva- 
lent ; although, in subsequent years, led 
away by designing men, they became in 
a considerable degree identified with 



the party inimical to the proprietary 
interests. 

When 1670 arrived, and the first quit 
rents became due, although they in- 
formed the governor that they ' held and 
possessed their lands and rights in the 
said town both by civil and a divine 
right,' yet they were ready when the 
time should come ' to perform their duty 
to the lords and their assigns,' — and so it 
proved. On the 24th March every man's 
rent was required to be paid in wheat, 
into the hands of specified messengers 
who ' on the morrow were to carry it to 
Elizabethtown.' And annually there- 
after, so long as quietness prevailed in 
the province, a similar course was pur- 
sued. 

And in March, 1680, in answer to 
the proclamation of Andros abrogating 
the authority of Carteret, they wrote to 
him that ' they had taken the oath of al- 
legiance to the king and fidelity to the 



164 EARLY PENAL LAWS. [1668-82, 

in his History of New Jersey, when comparing the laws of the Eastern 
and Western provinces, observes that, " the genius of Calvinism, which 
rules by terror and the ever suspended sword in this and in the future 
world, is strongly impressed apon the one, whilst a prudent reserve in 
naming crimes, and a humane forbearance in their punishment charac- 
terize the other. The ancient lawgivers prescribed no punishment for 
parricide, deeming the offence impossible: the Q,uaker legislators had no 
enactment against arson, no prescribed p'anishment for murder, or treason, 
and other heinous offences ; and yet during four and twenty years of 
their administration, no instance of such crimes was known within their 
territories. In East Jersey there were thirteen classes of oflfences against 
which the penalty of death was denounced, ^^ while in West Jersey such 
punishment was unknown to the law." 

This was the first penal code enacted in 1668, and renewed in 1675. 
In 16S2, some modification took place. The crimes for which death 
mio-ht be incurred were Arson ;^^ Murder ;''* Perjury to the prejudice of 
life; Stealing away any of mankind ;^* Burglary and Robbery on the 
commission of the third offence, as incorrigible f^ Theft if incorrigible f 
Witchcraft;"^ Conspiracy to invade or surprise a town or fort; Smiting, 
or cursing their parents by children without provocation, on the complaint 
of the parents only ;''^ Rape, subject to the discretion of the court j^" Gross 
and Unnatural Licentiousness;"' but Life was not to be taken save on 
proof of two or three witnesses. 

Infidelity in the married life was made punishable by divorce, corporal 
punishment, or banishment, as the court might award ; but in 1682, the 
parties were made subject to a fine and were bound to behave themselves 

present government, and until they had er's estate was given to the heirs of the 

sufficient order from his majesty they sufferer, in addition. 

would stand by the same. These in- '^ Exodus 21 : 16. 

stances of their faithfulness to their en- ^® For the first offence full restitution 

gagenients, and others of the same kind, was to be made, and the culprit branded 

present a strong contrast to the proceed- with T in the hand ; for the second, res- 

ings of many of their neighbors. titution and the brand of R in the fore- 

" Mr. Gordon should have added head, and if unable to make restitution, 

' under certain circumstances.' Mr. corporal punishment to be inflicted in- 

Bancroft, in his early editions, confounds stead. 

this code with a few mild laws passed " For the first, second, and third of- 

imder tlie Dutch government in 1673. fences treble restitution ; if unable, the 

''^ The person to be tried for his life culprit to be corporally punished. 
or receive corporal punishment, at the '^ Exodus 22 : 18. 

pleasure of the court, should he refuse '^ Exodus 21: 17. Levit. 20: 9. 

or be unable to make full satisfaction. *" Deut. 22 : 25. 

7^ In 1682, one-third of the murder- "' Levit. 20: 13, 15, 16. 



1668-82.] EARLY PENAL LAWS. i(55 

for a year. A want of chastity was at first made punishable by fine, 
marriage, or corporal punishment; but in 1682, three months' imprison- 
ment or a fine of five pounds was incurred, and in 16S6 ten stripes at the 
public whipping-post were substituted in place of ilie imprisoameni, 
should ihe fine not be paid. 

Night-walkers, or Revellers after nine o'clock, (the time subsequently 
extended an hour,) were lobe secured by the constable till morning, and 
unless excused on examination to be bound over to appear at court. 

Marriages had to be published three times in some public " meeting 
or kirk," or publicly advertised two weeks ; and to render them legal the 
consent of parents, masters, or guardians had to be obtained. 

Horses and cattle roamed at large, and were obliged to bear the 
brands of the town to which they belonged, as well as the ovirners' private 
marks. The provisions respecting assaults by cattle upon either man or 
beast, trespasses by cattle and injuries done to them, were almost identi- 
cal with those of Scripture.^^ These were enacted in 1682, at which time 
the laws relating to the punishment of theft, seduction, injustice to the 
widow or fatherless, and for damage sustained by fire from the careless- 
ness of others, were all made conformable to the Levitical law.*^ 

The resistance of lawful authority by word or action, or the expres- 
sion of disrespectful language referring to those in office, was made 
punishable, either by fine, corporal punishment, or (as from 1675 to 
1682) by banishment Oireulators of false news respecting public at- 
fairs, were fined ten^ shillings for the first ofience, and for the second were 
^'whipped or stocked;" and in 1675, all liars were included, for the sec- 
ond offence incurring a fine of twenty shillings; and if the fines were not 
paid the culprits were put in the stocks or received corporal punishment. 
The resort so frequently had to this last mode of punishing offenders, was 
without doubt owing to the want of proper prisons ; for although we learn 
that at one time the province prison was "at the house of Captain Berrj' 
in Bergen," and at another, that Woodbridge had one within its bounds, 
there are no grounds lor presuming either or both to have been of suffi- 
cient dimensions to accommodate all the offenders who might have been 
sentenced to confinement, had not corporal punishment been substituted. 

" Concerning the beastly vice Drunkenness," the first laws inflicted 
fines of onj; shilling, two shillings, and two shillings and sixpence, for 
the first three offences, with corporal punishment if the offender should 
be unable to pay, and if unruly he was to be put in the stocks until sober. 
In 1682, this vice was treated more rigorously ; each offence incurred a 
fine of five shillings, and if not paid the stocks received a tenant for six 
hours: and constables not doing their duty under the law, were fined ten 
shillings for each neglect. This increase of punishment would indicate a 
greater prevalence of the baneful practice, the result probably of the remo- 
val of restrictions which had existed on the sale of liquors in small quantities. 

8» Exodus, chap. 21 and 22. "^ E.-iodus 22. 



166 EARLY LAWS. [1668-92. 

In 1668, each town was obliged to keep an "ordinary," for the rehef 
and entertainment of strangers, under a penalty of forty shillings for each 
month's neglect ; and none but ordinary keepers were permitted to retail 
liquors in less quantity than two gallons.^^ In 1677, the quantity was 
reduced to one gallon. In 1683, ordinary keepers were debarred the 
privilege of recovering debts for liquor sold amounting to five shillings ; 
but whatever good this might have done was destroyed by the Assem- 
bly's authorizing the retailing of strong hquors by the quart, without 
restriction. In 1692, " forasmuch as there were great exorbitances, and 
drunkenness observable in several towns, occasioned by tolerating many 
persons in selling drink in private houses;" an attempt was made to 
establish an excise of four shillings per barrel on Beer, and one shilling 
per gallon on Wine, Brandy, &c., but in 1693, it was repealed, and the 
licensing of retailers confided to the governor. 

As to personal rights, the laws were framed in a liberal spirit. In 
1675, imprisonment for debt, save where fraud was intended, was pro- 
hibited. In 1678, the benefit of the Common Law of England was as- 
sured to every one. In 1682, it was provided that no one should be im- 
prisoned save by the judgment of his peers, or the laws of the province. 
All Courts were open to religious persons of any persuasion, and they 
were allowed to plead in their own way and manner, either in person 
or by their friends or Attorneys. All legal proceedings were to be in 
English, and as brief as possible. Trial by jury was confirmed with •' rea- 
sonable challenges allowed the offender." All persons to be bailable 
except capital offenders. No court, by execution or other writ, to autho- 
rize the sale of any man's land, without his consent,*^ but the rents or 
profits might be stopped for the payment of just debts. 

" All prizes, stage-plays, games, masques, revels, bull-baitings, and 
cock-fightings, which excite people to rudeness, cruelty, looseness, and 
irreligion," were to be discouraged, and punished by courts of justice, 
according to the nature of the offence. Swearing, or "taking God's 
name in vain," was made punishable by one shilling fine for each offence, 
as early as 1668, and such continued to be the fine until 1682, when a 
special act provided that the fine should be two shillings and sixpence, 
and if not paid, the offender was to be placed in the stocks or whipped, 

^* It is somewhat remarkable that liquors for six shillings a gallon and one 
notwithstanding this prohibition, and a shilling and sixpence a quart, they pay- 
similar one of their own adoption in ing wheat for it." The lowness of the 
1671, preventing sales under a gallon price was probably too great a tempta- 
" unless in case of necessity," excepting tion. 

by their "ordinary keeper" (Henry Lyon) *» "On the subject of real estate in 

the good people of Newark should, in the New World the puritans and the 

1G73, have authorized " Mr. Crane to lawyers differed widely." — Bancroft, II. 

"ell liquors in the town," he "having p. 319, [9th Edit.] 



1675-86.] EARLY COURTS. 1^7 

according to his age, whether under or over twelve years. The observ- 
ance of the Lord's day was required: servile work, unlawful recreations, 
unnecessary travelling, and any disorderly conduct, being punishable by 
confinement in the stocks, fines, imprisonment or whipping.^^ 

The courts charged with the administration of these laws were of four 
kinds. County Courts, Monthly Courts, a Court of Assize, and Courts 
of Common Right. The County Courts were established in 1675, hold- 
ing two terms each year for the trial of all causes, and no appeal from 
them was allowed in matters under twenty pounds, excepting to the 
Bench or Court of Chancery. The judges were elected in the several 
counties The same year a Court of Assize, to hold one term yearly, 
at Woodbridge, was created, and also the Monthly Courts of small 
causes, whose jurisdiction in civil cases extended to sums of forty shil- 
lings. These courts consisted of three persons, chosen by the several 
towns yearly, each possessing its own, and their decisions were final. *^ 
In 1682, a jury was allowed at the cost of the person desiring it. 

A grand jury was to be chosen in each town, to be under oath to take 
notice of all infringements of the laws and present them to the next court, 
" always provided that no town shall oppress their neighbors by contin- 
uing them in the place above the space of one year." Any person refus- 
ing to serve on one of these juries when elected, was subjected to a fine of 
thirty shillings. In 1678, it was declared unnecessary for all the consta- 
bles in the province to attend the court of assize; two from the adjoining 
towns, with the one at the place where the court was held, being suffi- 
cient. 

In 1682, Courts of Common Right were established, to hold ibur 
terms a year at Elizabethtown, to which appeals could be made from any 
inferior court in cases where five pounds and upward were at stake, and 
it was declared the Supreme Court of the province. Previous to this, the 
office of Sherifl["does not appear to have existed. In 16S6, the number of 
terms was restricted to two, and Perth Amboy was the place where they 
were to be held. Although a Court of Chancery was referred to as early 
as 1675, no such court was ever established while the province remained 
under the proprietaries.^^ 

** In 1704 many of these prohibitions 1673, which are in Albany Records, 
were re-enacted, but by that time it Vol. XXII. p. 375. 
would seem that the use of ardent spi- ^^ Previous to this several of the 
rits began to be considered necessary. Towns had their own courts in opera- 
Keepers of public houses were not to tion. In Newark there were two courts 
allow " tippling on the Lord's day, ex- held annually as early as 1669, the ver- 
cept for necessary refreshment." See diets being by a jury of six men ; and in 
Grants and Concessions for all the laws 1672 there were quarterly terms, 
prior to the surrender, excepting those *^ The first held was in 1718, during 
passed under the Dutch domination in Governor Hunter's administration, and 



168 WANT OP MINISTERS. [1667-84. 

The legal provisions which have been noticed were intended to sat- 
isfy the requirements of morality: but, from the mingled character of the 
people assembled within the province, from different lands, of different 
sects, chieffy concerned in advancing their pecuniary condition, — where 
liberty of conscience was assured to all, and where ministers of the gos- 
pel were so rarely to be found to guide and control the waywardness of 
man's nature, — little zeal was shown in religious matters. 

" There were some of almost every religious profession under hea- 
ven,'"*^ oberves one writer, causingsuchadiversity of opinion and separa- 
tion of communities, as naturally prevented any rapid or systematic ad- 
vance in the establishment of ministers or the erection of churches. The 
places principally settled by emigrants from New England, as they were 
more united in " doctrine and fellowship," were perhaps exceptions ; secur- 
ing the services of clergymen, or aiming at regularity in public worship, 
from the earliest period of their existence,^" although in them also there 
were difficulties attending their permanent establishment. The influence 
of this class of the population was undoubtedly beneficial. 

In 1684, an early settler thus writes to his friends in Scotland : '' There 
are here very good religious people, they go under the name of Indepen- 
dents, but are most like to the Presbyterians, only they will not receive 
every one to their society. We have great need of good and faithful minis- 
ters, and I wish there would come some over here ; they can live as well 
and have as much as in Scotland, and more than many get." " At this 
time, from the death of others, there was but one clergyman in East Jersey, 
who resided at Newark ; public worship, however, was regularly attended 
in many of the towns, but in several parts of the province the people were 
without any religious services till a much later period ; the first important 

it was considered that the assumption many different offices in his neighbor- 
by him of the office of ChaHcellor was hood. In 1692 he applied to the Board 
an undue exercise of authority, and one of Proprietors for land " at an easie 
which might result in great injury to the acknowledgment, in respect of his nu- 
people ; but his conduct received the ap- merous family," (seven sons, &c.) and 
probation of the Queen's government, one hundred acres were granted to him. 
Answer to Bill, p. 4. Dunlap's N. Y-, He had already, he stated, expended 
I. p. 281. large sums in purchasing and improvingf. 

•*' Rogers' N. America, and see page *' Scot's Model, pp. 199, 200. An- 

51, note. other class of the population is desig- 

90 We find a clergyman at Newark nated by another settler as "a most care- 
in a year after it was founded. At Eliza- less and infrugall people ; their profes- 
bethtown, John Fletcher, their minister, sions are most part Protestants, few 
died in 1682 ; how long he had pre- Quakers, some Anabaptists ; it is most 
viously officiated is not stated. From desired there may be some ministers 
1690 or earlier, to 1704, John Herri- sent us over, they would have consider- 
man was established there. (Murray's able benefices and good estates." Scot's 
Notes on Elizabethtown.) He filled Model, 194. 



• 1693-5.1 SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS. 169 

•measures towards supplying both East and West Jersey originating in 
England, with the Society for Propagating the Gospel, subsequent to the 
surrender :^^ the example of the Society being followed by other denom- 
inations of Christians. 

The immigration from Scotland to the central portion of the province 
included many of the Scottish Kirk. Two of their ministers, if no more, 
are known to have accompanied the settlers,^^ and in 1698, a clergyman 
of the Church of England was established at Perth Amboy, the capial.^'' 
It is probable that in 1702 there were eight or ten regularly settled minis- 
ters in the province. 

Schools and schoolmasters were twice made the subjects of legisla- 
tion under the proprietary governments, but it is impossible to discover 
from the imperfect records to what extent education was fostered ; al- 
though, as has been before stated, from various indications it is evident 
that, with increase of population increased interest was felt in this all- 
important matter. ^^ In 1693 the inhabitants of any town by warrant from 
any Justice of the Peace might meet and choose three men to make a rate 
and establish the salary of a schoolmaster for as long a time as they 
might think proper; a majority of the inhabitants to compel the payment 
of any rates levied and withheld; the Act setting forth that " the cultiva- 
ting of learning and good manners tends greatly to the good and benefit of 
mankind." This act being found inconvenient, " by reason of the distance 
of the neighborhood," in 1695 another one was passed, directing the choice 
of three men annually in each town, to be authorized to select a teacher 
and the most convenient place or places where schools should be kept. 

The currency of both East and West Jersey during the whole pe- 
riod of their colonial existence was much more stable than that of the 
neighboring colonies, and we at no time meet with such a state of con- 
fusion and difficulty as elsewhere prevailed at different periods.^" 

^* For a description of the Religious ®^ The first schoolmaster in Newark 
state of the province previous to 1700, was established therein 1676; he was 
deplorable enough, see Humphries' to " do his faithful!, honest, and true En- 
Hist. Account of the Society for the deavor to teach the Children or Servants 
Propagation of the Gospel. of those as have subscribed, the reading 
^^ E. J. Records, A, p. 385. and writing of English, and also Arith- 
^* Humphries. E. J. Prop'y Minutes, metick if they desire it, as much as 
He was the Reverend Edward Perthuck, they are capable to learn, and he capa- 
sent out by the Bishop of London at ble to teach them within the compass 
the request of several of the proprieta- of this year." Town Records, 
ries preferred in 1695. In 1702, the ^^ Madame Knight in her Journal, re- 
Society sent out the Rev. George Keith, ferring to Connecticut as late as 1704, 
to travel through the provinces and de- says, " they give the title of merchant 
termine upon the best location for Mis- to every trader who rate their goods ac- 
sionaries. cording to the time and spetia they pay 



170 



PROVINCIAL CURRENCY. 



[1668-92. 

In East Jersey, for some time afler its settlement, the coins of both 
Holland and England, and their respective moneys of account were used; 
and the Indian wampum afforded the means of exchange with the abo- 
rigines. As its fabrication was free to all persons^'^ every one was 
director of his own mint, and verifying trulj^ the words of Scripture, — 
"the hand of the diligent maketh rich" — he who most assiduously 
sought the simple bullion from which it Avas coined, was in the way of 
becoming the wealthiest of hip race.^^ 

Barter, as is always the case in the infancy of settlements, was the 
mode by which much of the traffic of the province was carried on, and 
sumptuary laws were passed from time to time, between 1668 and 1692, 
regulating the price at which various manufactures and productions of 
the soil should be received inpayment of the public charges, or on settle- 
ment of accounts. 

The following table will show the years in which material changes 
were made in these established prices. 

1668. 1678. 1692. 

Winter wheat, per bushel, 5s. 4s. 6d. 4s. 

Summer wheat, " 4s. 6d. 4s. — 



in, viz. Pay ; Money ; Pay as Money ; 
and Trust. 'Pay' is grain, pork, beef, 
&c. at the prices set by the General Court 
that year : ' Money' is pieces of eight-rials 
or Boston-bay shillings, (as they call 
them,) or good hard money, as some- 
times silver coin is termed by them, also 
wampum, viz. Indian beads, which serves 
'or change : ' Pay as Money' is provisions 
as aforesaid one third cheaper than as the 
Assembly or General Court sets it: and 
' TiTJSt' as they and the merchant may 
agree for the time." Of course the prices 
varied wieh the difference in pay. 

" Vanderdonck's New Netherlands. 
It was called by the Dutch Sewant. 

®^ Vanderdonck says " the species are 
black and white, but the black is worth 
more by one half than the white ; the 
black is made from Conch shells which 
are to be taken from the sea, or which 
are cast ashore from the sea twice a 
year. They strike off the thin parts of 
these shells and preserve the pillars or 
standards, which they grind smooth and 
even, and reduce the same according to 



their thickness, and drill a hole through 
every piece, and string the same on 
strings, and afterwards sell their strings 
of wampum in that manner : this is the 
only moneyed medium among the natives 
with which any traffic can be driven." 
Several of these strings, varying in 
number with the importance of the oc- 
casion, formed the belts of wampum 
made to figure so largely in conferences 
with the Indians. Smith (Hist. N.J. 
76) says the white wampum was fabri- 
cated from the inside of the great 
conchs, and the black or purple from 
the inside of the clam or muscle : from 
the Indian name of which last shell-fish 
the term wampum was derived. 

In 1673 the value of this Indian 
money was fi.xed by proclamation from 
the Governor and Council of the New 
Netherlands at six white or three black 
(instead of eight white and four black, 
which had been the previous rate) to the 
stiver : twenty stivers making a guilder, 
which was equal to si.xpence currency 
or fourpence sterling. 





1668. 


Peas, per bushel, 


3s. 6d. 


Indian corn, " 


3s. 


Rye, 


4s. 


Barley, " 


4s. 


Beef, pr. lb. 


2^d. 


Do. (1675)pr. bbl. 


50s. 


Pork, pr. lb. 


3^d. 


Do. (1675) pr. bbl. 


70s. 


Tobacco, (1675) pr. lb. 


4d. 



1668-92.1 PRICES AND PROFITS. 171 

1678. 1692. 

2s. 6d. 2s. 6d 

3s. 6d. — 

3s. 6d. — 

2d. — 

40s. 30s. 

3d. — 

60s. 50s. 

3d. 3d. 

Tn 1675 tried tallow at 6d. per lb.; green hides at 3d. per lb.; dry 
hides at 6d. per. lb., and good bacon at 6d.per lb. ; were made receivable 
in payment of taxes, but, with peas, (after 1676) were no longer retained 
as "currency." Indeed in 1676 only wheat, peas, and tobacco, were re- 
ceived for the public charges. In 1677. wheat, rye, Indian-corn and to- 
bacco, were the prescribed medium; and in 1679 and 1692, Butter at 
6d. per lb. was added to the articles given in the table for that year. 
Not until 1692 was the payment of the taxes in current silver provided 
for, and then it was left optional with the tax-payers ; conclusive evidence 
that little coin was in circulation even then. The counties were expected, 
generally, to collect and transmit to the seat of government these products 
when received for taxes, at their own expense. 

In 1677 "ordinary keepers" were authorized to charge for strong 
liquors retailed by the gill, not to exceed 10s, 8d. per gallon ; per quart, 
2s. 6d. ; good wine, was to be 7s. per gallon; cider 4d. per quart; meals, 
each, 8d. ; oats, 9d. per peck; pasture of horse, 6d. per day, by the 
week in summer Is. 6d., in winter Is. Sd. In 1684, servants' wages 
were not under 2s. per day besides victuals, and at Perth Amboy, where 
buildings were being erected, they were 2s. 6d. At that time the cur- 
rency was one-fifth more than sterling. In 1683, twenty-eight per cent 
is stated to be the usual profit on goods brought from England ; but 
Samuel Groome, writing to the proprietaries, observes, " when I pay 
workmen and laborers, I pay them in goods rated cent-per-cent New 
York money; but then I must pay them two or three parts silver."*® 

The Act passed in April 1686, and repealed in October of the same 
year, regulating the value of silver, has already been noticed on a pre- 
ceding page.'"" It was the only attempt made by the legislators of the 
province to make the circulation of the precious metals dependent upon 
other than natural laws, and was soon abandoned."" 

^' See Scot's Model, pages 159, 163, '*" An attempt of the same kind was 

164, &c., for several other items of made the same year in Maryland, and 

prices. in Carolina in 1683. 

"«' Seepage 115. 



172 COMMERCIAL PROJECTS. [1678-94. 

The exertionf3 of the proprietaries to insure their province the benefits 
of direct intercourse with foreign countries have been particularly noticed 
in the foregoing pages. From 1683, when they reminded their Deputy 
Governor that care was to be taken that goods be not exported to New 
York or other places, but that all goods were to be brought to Perth as 
the chief staple, '"^ down to the time of the surrender, they were especially 
concerned in obstructing the regular course of the trade of the province, 
which naturally tended towards the more populous towns of New York, 
with the view of dispensing with intermediate agencies in the transmis- 
sion of its products to foreign markets. What little success attended their 
measures has been seen. 

It is true that want of success was to some extent owing to the hos- 
tility of the province of New York, but the legislative enactments re- 
sorted to could not be otherwise than detrimental to the interests of the 
inhabitants ; for, instead of extending bounties and other advantages to 
those who should engage in this foreign traffic which they so anxiously 
desired to establish, prohibitions were enacted, checking as a necessary 
consequence the production, by lessening the number of avenues of 
distribution or demand. 

As early as 1678, when the condition of the province was so favora- 
ble for grazing that great numbers of cattle could have been raised at 
little or no expense, a law was passed prohibiting the transportation out 
of the province, or sale to any one not residing within it. of all hides or 
tanned leather ; and the following year the prohibition was extended to 
Indian dressed skins. So in 1694, " for the better encouragement of build- 
ers of ships and other vessels " within the province, — as if the whole con- 
tinent should depend upon the skill of the men of East Jersey, — the expor- 
tation of any "timber, planks, boards, oak-bolts, staves, heading, hoops, 
or hop-poles," was expressly forbidden, excepting to some port "over 
the broad seas— there to unload ;" and, even to these ports, the exportation 
was encumbered by the requisition of bonds and the scrutiny of inspectors 
in all the towns. The effect of this law was necessarily hurtful. Bj- 
confining the consumption of the produce of the forests to the people of 
the province alone, it took away from the new settlers one inducement, at 
least, for clearing their lands, and thus operated to retard their cultivation ; 
and, by lessening the demand, the value of timber must have been also 
affected to the prejudice of the interests of the proprietaries; nevertheless 
it was by their approval that it became the law of the land. We have 
no evidence that it in the least benefited the class of persons for whom 
it professed to be framed, for it is doubtful if one vessel was built more than 
would have been without it. '"^ 

'"^ E. J. Records, A, p. 368. was the chief port some doubts may be 

'"•' There was no vessel built at Perth entertained if any number were built 

Amboy at all until 1702, and as that elsewhere. The same system was pur- 



1632-84.] FISHERIES. 173 

These and other instances of mistaken policy, were, in all probability 
the primary causes why, in subsequent years, as well as before ihe sur- 
render of the government, the trade of the province with other portions 
of the continent, was so limited in extent. 

In connection with its commerce, the proprietaries at one time dwelt 
particularly in their publications and instructions upon the fisheries of the 
province, and it was expected that whaling would prove to be a branch 
of business exceedingly profitable."" Vanderdonck, in his Description 
of the New Netherlands, says, thewhales would not compare in fatness 
with those of Greenland, but they were numerous in the winter on the 
coast, and in the bays, where they frequently grounded on the shoals. 
Seals were also seen upon the coast, and even in the harbor of Perth 
Amboy. De Vries, however, who engaged in the whale fishery, during 
one of his voyages on the coast, in 1632-3, pronounced the business 
an unprofitable one. 

The first attempt to establish this branch of commerce on a perma- 
nent footing, was previous to the purchase by the twenty-four proprietaries, 
but with what success is unknown. On 15th February, 1668, a commis- 
sion was granted to a company in Elizabethtown, to take whales, &c., 
for three years, (and all other persons were prohibited from doing so,) for 
one twentieth part of the oil in casks, and should Staten Island fall within 
the province, a town for twenty-four families was to be granted the com- 
pany, at some convenient site.'"^ In 1678, a similar commission was 
granted to another company, at the same place. '"^ 

In 1684, there were persons engaged in whaling, and the proprieta- 
ries authorized the deputy-governor to use their eflforts in the province 

sued under the royal government. In merchandise sent to New York or Penn- 

1714 the exportation of staves, &c., sylvania for exportation. As early as 

to the neighboring provinces was bur- 1670, we find the Town of Newark pro- 

thened with duties and regulations, hibiting the making use of or selling any 

These in 1717 were repealed because timber for pipe staves or heading ex- 

" prejudicial to the inhabitants," as cepting for the town, " under the penalty 

might have been foreseen ; but in 1743 of losing all their labor for any timber 

they were re-enacted for fear there might so sold in the town or within four miles 

" not be enough left for the necessary of the town anywhere." The cause of 

use of the eastern division," and con- this is not stated. 

tinned in force until the revolution of '"* See Brief Account, &,c., Note S. 

1776. Wheat, exported to the other Scot's Model, p. 156. 

provinces, was also made subject to '"^ E. J. Records, 2d Liber III. p. 22. 

duty in 1714 ; but this was repealed in While this grant was in force a whale 

1717. In 1725 the duties were tried was cast ashore at Navesink and deli- 

again for a limited period ; and acting vered up to the company, 

governor Reading, as late as 1758, re- '*'* Ibid, Vol. II. Liber 3, p. 152. 
commended an outward duty upon all 



174 FISHERIES. [1702. 

in furthering the endeavors of the fishermen, rather than have them 
establish themselves elsewhere ; but there is no evidence that the busi- 
ness was prosperously conducted.'"^ 

These desultory gleanings might have been extended to a greater 
length, had the original design of the present volume embraced them. 
Many of the subjects introduced would otherwise have been less briefly 
noticed, but it is hoped that more particular inquiries may be instituted by 
others, and successfully prosecuted, until the past shall have imparted 
all its lessons of experience for our benefit. 

'"' Scot's Model, p. 181. E. J. Records, A, 364. Grants and Concessions, 
p. 175. 



NOTES 



Note A, page 13. 

The following is the whole quotation from Denton, as given anony- 
mously by Ogilby. 

" If there be any terrestrial happiness to be had by any people, especial- 
ly of an inferior rank, it must certainly be here. Here any one may fur- 
nish himself with land, and live rent free, yea with such a quantity of 
land, that he may weary himself with walking over his fields of corn, and 
all sorts of grain, and let his stock amount to some hundreds, he need not 
fear their want of pasture in the summer, or fodder in the winter, the 
woods affording sulTicient supply, where you have grass as high as a 
man's knees, nay as high as his waist, interlaced with pea vines and other 
weeds that cattle much delight in, as much as a man can pass through. 
And these woods also every mile or half mile are furnished with fresh 
ponds, brooks, or rivers, where all sorts of cattle during the heat of the 
day do quench their thirst and cool themselves. These brooks and 
rivers being environed on each side with several sorts of trees and grape 
vines, arbor like interchanging places, and crossing these rivers do shade 
and shelter them from the scorching beams of the sun. Such as of their 
utmost labors can scarcely get a living, may here procure inheritances of 
lands and possessions, stock themselves with all sorts of cattle, enjoy the 
benefit of them while they live, and leave them to their children when 
they die. Here you need not trouble the shambles for meat, nor bakers 
and brewers for beer and bread, nor run to a linen draper for a supply, 
every one making their own linen, and a great part of their woolen 
cloth for their ordinary wearing. And how prodigal (if I may so say) 
hath nature been to furnish this country with all sorts of wild beasts and 
fowl, which every one hath an interest in, and may hunt at his pleasure: 
when besides the pleasure in hunting he may furnish his house with excel- 
lent fat venison, turkeys, geese, heath-hens, cranes, swans, ducks, pigeons, 
and the like ; and wearied with that, he may go a fishing, where the rivers 
are so furnished that he may supply himself with fish before he can leave 
off the recreation. Here one may travel by land upon the same continent 
hundreds of miles, and pass through towns and villages, and never hear 
the least complaint for want, nor hear any ask him for a farthing. Here 
one may lodge in the fields and woods, travel from one end of the coun- 
try to another, with as much security as if he were lock'd within his own 
chamber; and if one chance to meet with an Indian-town, they shall give 



176 NOTES. 

him the best entertainment tliey have, and upon his desire direct him on 
his way. But that which add.s happiness to all the rest, is the healfhful- 
ness of the place, wliere many people in 20 years time never know what 
sickness is : where they look upon it as a great mortality if two or three 
die out of a town in a year's time. Besides ihe sweetness of the air, the 
country itself sends forth such a fragrant smell, that it may be perceived 
at sea before they can make the land. No evil fog or vapor doth any 
sooner appear, but a north-west or westerly wind immediately dissolves 
it and drives it away. Moreover, you shall scarce see a house but the 
south side is begirt with hives of bees, which increase after an incredible 
manner. So that if there be any terrestrial Canaan, 'tis surely here, 
where the land floweth with milk and honey." 

Vanderdonck' mentions Chesnuts ; and says, "they would be plentier 
if it were not for the Indians, who destroy the trees by stripping off the 
bark for covering for their houses. They and the Netherlanders also, 
cut down the trees also in the chesnut season, and cut off the liratis to 
gather the nuts, which also lessens the trees." He enumerates among the 
native productions, persimmons, mulberries, wild-cherries, and crabs ; — 
■' the mulberries," he says, "are better and sweeter than ours, and ripen 
earlier :" — several kinds of plums, hazel-nuts, black currants, gooseber- 
ries, blue Indian-figs, strawberries, "in abundance all over the country," 
blackberries and raspberries. The English first brought over quinces. 
The Dutch introduced orchard-cherries, Spanish cherries, peaches, 
'■ merecotoons," apricots, several sorts of best plums, almonds, cornelian 
cherries, figs, several sorts of currants, gooseberries, &c " The land," he 
states, ''is full of many kinds of grapes," and the description he gives of 
the luxuriance of the vines is quite touching, — "it is a pitiful sight to see 
the grape vines run up the trees, over the bushes, and hidden among 
the woods neglected, untrimmed, and uncultivated." He also mentions 
the "bush-burning" alluded to in the foregoing extract from Denton, and 
says it " presents a grand and sublime appearance." It facilitated the 
growth of new vegetation, enabled the hunter to track his game more 
readily, and by thinning out the woods and destroying the dry branches, 
enabled him to move with greater celerity and with less fear of discovery 
by the animals which he might be pursuing. 

This continued to be the custom for many years in different parts of 
East Jersey. In Newark it was usual to appoint two of their most res- 
pectable citizens, annually, to superintend the process; and in 1673, some 
day in May was to be selected, when " every male from sixty to sixteen, 
shall go out to burn woods ;" and a fine Avas imposed upon any one 
firing the meadows purposely or accidentally, previous to the tenth of 
March in each year. 

> N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2(1 series, Vol. I. 



NOTES. J-- 

Note B, page 22. 

The following is a literal copy (excepting some corrections in or- 
thography and punctuation,) from the Albany Records, Vol. XXI. p. 
43 Ij as translated by Vanderkemp. 

" 1663. Voyage to Newesing/ made in the Company's yacht, with 
what happened during it ; being on said yacht Mr, Krieges, Govert 
Lockermans, Jacques Corteljon, Peter Zevel, with ten soldiers, two 
sailors, and the Sachem, with a savage of Siaten Island. 

6 Dec. We sailed from the Manhattans about 3 o'clock, and arrived 
about evening at six at Staten Island, where the Sachem of said Island 
with the savage, went on shore. They remained there about an hour 
and then returned. Hoisting again our sail, we sailed through the Kil 
Van Kol, arrived at the back of Shutters Island upon undeep water, cast 
our anchor, and remained there till the next ebb. 

7 do. We raised our anchor again about three in the morning, rowed 
down with the ebb the kil behind Staten Island. Somewhat later in the 
morning we hoisted our sail and laveered^ so long till the ebb was past, 
when we again cast our anchor. The flood being gone about two 
o'clock in the afternoon, we raised the anchor and laveered again. We 
discovered a sail towards evening, which we approached in the evenino- 
and spoke to it ; as it was Peter Lowrensen with a small sloop in which 
was Jacob Cowenhoven; they said they went out to barter venison. We 
both laveered together with our yachts that same evening towards the 
end of Staten Island, and cast there our anchors just opposite the Rari- 
tans Kil, where we did see two houses with southern savages : said Co- 
wenhoven informed us that the English in an open sloop, being nineteen 
strong, sailed the day before up the Raritan river, where the savages of 
the Newesing^ and Raritans were collected together about three miles on 
the kil. The savages communicated the same. We remained that night 
before the Raritans Kil to sail it up the next morning to follow the Eng- 
lish, but as during the night there was a very severe gale from the north- 
west, we were compelled to remain there that night. 

8 do. The wind continued to blow very severely from the northwest 
so that we could not proceed on the Raritans Kil, and were compelled to 
stay there that day. We resolved then to dispatch the savage Hans by 
land to the savages of Newesing, who were assembled about three miles 
in the country on the Raritans Kil ; which was directly effected with send- 
ing him off immediately with verbal orders, as that he should warn the 
Sachems of the Newesings and Raritans, that we were laying with 
the yacht before the kil, and that we wished that they would come hither 
to us, to speak with them ; and commanded further Hans to tell the Sa- 
' " Newesing," Newasons, or Navesink. ' " Laveered," tacked. 

* Afterwards more properly called Menesings. 

12 



178 NOTES, 

ehems,if there arrived some English, or were actually among them, with 
a view to purchase some land from them, that they should not sell it to 
the English, as they had not even asked it of the Dutch Sachems on the 
Manhattans, and came thither in silence : and if the Sachems on the New- 
esings wished to sell some land, that they then should come to us, then 
we would speak together : on which, Hans with the rising sun directly 
departed to communicate it to the savages, while we remained before the 
Kii. 

9 do. We saw in the morning about 9 o'clock the English vessel com- 
ing down, on which we directly raised the anchor and sailed towards it; 
so as we did, arriving near her, we asked them from where they came ; 
on which the skipper, Stoffel Elsworth, answered, ' from ihe Kil :' asked, 
what he had done there ; answered, ' he brought the English thither.' 
We told him this was unbecoming, it was against our Government to 
act in this manner, and that he should answer for it ; on which William 
Geldor cried out, " It is well — it is well." In the vessel were Charles 
Morgan, John Bon, James Holbert, John Totman, Sam Spyser, 
Thomas Wytlock, Sergeant Gybbings, from the first bay a man, named 
Kreupels-bos, one of Flushing, two from Jamaica, and a few more whom 
we knew not, to twenty in number. On the same day in the afternoon, 
returned about three, Hans the savage, whom we had dispatched on 
the eighth towards the Menesing Sachems who encamped it a consid- 
erable distance from the Raritan Kil ; and Hans the savage conducted to 
us six or seven savages, who informed us, that the English, before Hans 
the savage came to them, had arrived there, and presented the savages 
with some wine, and two fathoms black seewant' and one white, after 
which they had asked them if they would sell to them some land ; in the 
mean time [came] Hans the savage, when the whole was at an end, so 
that the English departed. 

10 do. We departed again from the Raritan Kil, accompanied by two 
savages who were acquainted with the lands of the Menesings : we went 
down the bay, arrived at the kil which enters between Rensselaer's pier 
and the sand point ; met there again Stoffel Elsworth in his little sloop, 
and all the English sitting on shore near the kil ; we went with our boat 
on shore, and went towards them along the strand ; when we approached 
them we did see every one standing in arms. When the Sheriff Charles 
Morgan and John Bon advanced towards us, I asked them what was 
their business there, they answered, they went trading; we replied, if 
they went to trade, why then they had such a strong force with them 1 
They said the savages were villains and could not be trusted, and there- 
fore they went in such numbers ; we told them, that we were informed 
they came to purchase lands from, the savages ; they answered, ' we went 
only thither to see the land.' We again told them that they ought not to 

' " Seewant," wampum. 



NOTES. Y^Q 

undertake to purchase any land of the savages, as the largest part of it 
was already purchased by the Dutch, John Bon then asked me. under 
what government I presumed that they resided. I answered that they 
lived under that of the States General, and under that of the director 
General and Council here ; to which he replied, why then are we not 
as well permitted to trade and explore land as yet I answered him 
again, that they ought not to undertake to purchase any land from the 
savages, except that they previously obtained the consent of the Direc- 
tor General and Council ; to which John Bon replied ' it shall be well :' 
then said StoffelElsworth, 'I told them already the same, that they should 
not do it.' Govert Lockermanstold them then, ' ye are a party of traitors 
as ye act against the government of the state :' they said the king's pat- 
ent was quite of another cast. Lockermans asked 'from where have ye 
your pass T they answered 'from the Manhattans.' Lockermans retorted 
' why do you act then against this state V to which Charles Morgan an- 
swered, ' sek noty bey affet." The Enghsh had their savage with them, 
who was of the Menesings, and had share in the murder of Mispath's 
Kil, as our savage had informed us, whom we had taken with us in our 
sloop and carried hither, and his name was Q,uikems, jiving on the New- 
esing Kil, on the land called Townsing. We left then the Enghsh 
along shore and entered the kill about four miles along the west wall 
where the country was very mountainous; and the opposite side, as the 
savages informed us, was very poor, and some good land, old maize-fields 
and yet some plantations which 1 before explored with Corteljon: then 
we crossed the hilly parts about nine miles, and perceived by a sign on 
board, that Stoffel with his sloop and English had entered the kil. We 
remained before it during the night, 

11 do. The wind being S, W. we resolved to sail again towards the 
Manhattans, so as we did." 



Note C, page 37, 



The following is a fragment of a letter from Col. Nicholls, to the Duke 
of York, a copy of which is among the New York Colonial papers. It ie 
without date, but was evidently written in 1664. 

" I must now descend to the particular occasion of giving your royal 
highness this trouble, wherein my Lord Berkeley and Sir George Car- 

' " These words of Morgan I do not understand, and cannot interpret." Trans- 
lator. 



180 NOTES. 

teret are concerned ; who, I know also, will be so just to me as to have 
me excused for manifesting clearly my knowledge to your royal high- 
ness. 

About ten days past, Captain BoUen shewed me a letter from my 
Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, and therewith a grant from your 
royal highness to them, for all the lands to the west of Hudsons River, 
as more fully may appear in the said grant : wherein is comprehended 
all the improvable part of your royal highness's patent, and capable to 
receive twenty times more people than Long Island and all the remain- 
ing tracts, in respect not only to the quantity of the land, but to the sea 
coast and Delaware River, the fertility of the soil, the neighborhood to 
' Hudsons River, and lastly, the fair hopes of rich mines, to the utter dis- 
couragement of any that shall desire to live under your royal high- 
ness's protection. In short, I hold myself obliged to give your royal 
highness this account upon certain knowledge, having exactly consid- 
ered and preferred the advance of your royal highness's reputation in 
these parts above all considerations or obligations whatsoever : and, for 
my boldness, I can at last but beg pardon. Neither can I suppose that 
my Lord Berkeley or Sir George Carteret knew how prejudicial such a 
grant would prove to your royal highness, but must charge it upon Cap- 
tain Scot, who was born to work mischief, as far he is credited or his 
parts serve him.' This Scot, it seems, aimed at the same patent which 
your royal highness hath, and has given out words that he had injury 
done him by your royal highness : whereupon he contrived and be- 
trayed my Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret into a design (con- 
trary to their knowledge) of ruining all the hopes of increase in this 
territory which he hath fully completed, unless your royal highness take 
farther order herein. Upon this tract of land several new purchases 
are made from the Indians since my coming, and three towns begin- 
ning. I gave it the name of Albania, lying to the west of Hudson's 
River, and to Long Island the name of Yorkshire, as to this place the 
name of New York, to comprehend all the titles of your royal highness. 

Far be it from me to aggravate any thing beyond the bounds of a 
faithful servant ; for, when it may conduce most for your royal high- 
ness's service, I shall as freely surrender up all parts to your royal high- 
ness's pleasure as it becomes me to do. I presume farther to propose a 
better and more entire tract of land, worthy of great consideration, to 
my Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, which is that part of Dela- 

' For a notice of this man see from the Indians, and in various other 

Thompson's highly interesting History ways he found persons sufficiently cre- 

of Long Island, 2d Edit. 2d Vol. p. 320. dulous to become purchasers," &c. He 

■' He was a man of shrewdness, but base resided on Long Island, and being driven 

and unprincipled ; professing to be the from there subsequently lived in Nesv 

rightful owner of numerous tracts of England, 
land in various parts, under purchases 



NOTES. 



181 



ware River which is reduced from the Dutch, if it is not already dis- 
posed ; if so, then that my Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret may 
have a hundred thousand acres along tlie sea coast, which is a most 
noble tract of land : but it will cost them £20,000 before it will yield 
them a penny, and their children's children may reap the profit." 

Again, under date of April 9th, 1666, Colonel Nicholls thus wrote 
to Lord Arlington : 

" My humble conception and certain knowledge directs me to inform 
your Lordship, that by tlie unskilfulness of the informers, the west side 
of Delaware River, now seated with Swedes, Finns and Dutch, is 
crushed between the Lord Baltimore's Patent on the west side, and the 
Lord Berkeley's indenture on the east, that the present inhabitants can- 
not possibly subsist in so narrow a compass." He, therefore, calls upon 
them to rectify these mistakes, and advises that twenty miles on each 
side of the River Delaware, which had been taken from the Dutch, should 
be given to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, instead of the lands 
granted them. 



Note D, pages 22 and 40. 

Mr. Bancroft in the earher editions of the second Volume of hie 
History of the United States (p. 316) says— "A few families of (Quakers 
had found a refuge in New Jersey before the end of 1664: more than a 
year earlier, (March 26, 1663,) New England Puritans, sojourners on 
Long Island, solicited and obtained leave to establish themselves and 
their cherished institutions on the Raritan " — and he quotes Albany Re- 
cords, IV. p. 415. 

In a notice of this passage in the Newark Daily Advertiser of March 
12th, 1840, the identification of these applicants for an establishment on the 
Raritan, with the actual settlers at Elizabethtown, was attempted, (the 
question possessing some interest in determining the progress of colo- 
nization,) and an opinion expressed that the permission could not have 
been granted by the Dutch authorities, or, if granted, that the settlement 
was not made. 

Subsequent editions of Mr. Bancroft's work have the passage modi- 
fied, as follows:— "Before the end of 1664, a few families of Q,uakers 
appear also to have found a refuge south of Raritan Bay.^'' [Neither the 
place nor the authority is given.] " More than a year earlier, New Eng- 
land Puritans, sojourners on Long Island, solicited of the Dutch, and, as 
the records prove, obtained leave to establish on the the banks of the 
Raritan and the Minisink, their cherished institutions, and even their 
criminal jurisprudence." — p. 317. This reference to "the Records" 



ISa NOTES. 

seems lo discredit the testimony of the settlers themselves — for they 
say in their subsequent applications that they " were obstructed by the 
then ruling Dutch." 

The writer regrets that he is obliged to differ from one whose historical 
researches have earned for him so much of renown, but the document re- 
ferred to by Mr. Bancroft cannot, he conceives, be offered in corroboration of 
his views. It is a despatch from the Directors of the West India Company, 
dated, Amsterdam, 26th March, 1663, and reads as follows : — " Thus far we 
paid our attention to the two letters signed by the Director and Counsel- 
lors. The next which claims it, is that of the Director Stuyvesant in 
particular, in which we observe a petition of some English neighbours, 
"who desired to establish themselves in considerable numbers within the 
limits of the company's jurisdiction behind Staten Island, about the Rar- 
itan river, and did see from the annexed documents your Boil's opinion 
about it, to which we then make no objection, especially so as this 
settlement might serve as a bulwark to our nation against the savages 
on the Raritan and Minisink, wherefore it should have been gratifying 
to tis that this proposal had been carried into effect, in which efforts we 
hope that your Honour shall continue. If we are not mistaken, then the 
principal obstacle which retarded its progress, was the appeal in criminal 
cases and capital crimes of whoredom, adultery and similar offences, 
which they punish according to the law and the expressed word of God, 
against which maxim, although the laws of our Fatherland use some 
connivance in this respect, we make no objection, but could not willingly 
transfer to them the absolute disposal of all criminal cases whatever, 
without appeal. Nevertheless, if the admission and settlement of this 
nation on that spot is considered so all important to ours, we could per- 
mit, to facilitate this negociation, that no appeals to us should take place 
in all such crimes in which the process of the crime is instituted upon a 
voluntary confession, in which could not be consented in all other cases 
of a dubious nature, as your honour must apprehend ; besides further, that 
their laws, in punishing all similar crimes against tlie maxims of our 
Fatherland should only be put in practice against their own countrymen, 
and not against such of our nation who might settle amongst them. 
Yoiir Honour must not give up this point, as long as it is tenable — it is of 
too high importance — provided if the object in view is not obtainable 
without this sacrifice, then your Honour is authorized to treat with the 
English on such terms as in your opinion are best adapted to promote 
the welfare of our State and its subjects." — [Albany Records, IV. 415.] 

Now here we have an application to tlie " then ruling Dutch, ob- 
structed" by obtacles suggested by Governor Suyvesant, and which he 
specifies in his " opinion," forwarded to the Directors in Holland. This 
circumstance alone certainly identifies the Elizabethtown company with 
the applicants referred to ; and tlie fact of their renewing their appHcation 



NOTES. 



183 



to NichoUs, is proof that nothing definite in the shape of " permisBion " 
was ever obtained. But this is not all the testimony bearing upon the sub- 
ject. In Volume XIX of the same Records [pp. 409 to 421] we have in- 
formation of a petition for land from the English in Connecticut, (Robert 
Treat being among them — afterwards a Newark name,) and the action 
of the Council thereon in November, 1661. No particular location is 
mentioned, and nothing specific seems to have been determined on. In 
Volume XX [pp. 73 to 77] the matter is again on record as under con- 
sideratipn from March to May 1662. Forms of oaths were prescribed 
for the settlers, and other stipulations made by the Council, but there 
were difficulties in the way of a full completion of any arrangement. 
What those difficulties were, the foregoing despatch informs us ; for it 
is at this stage of the negociation it comes in to prove that up to March 
1663, no agreement had yet been perfected : and in Volume XXI, pages 
231 to 237, is a record of a renewal of the negotiations in June 1663 : 
but there is nothing to show that any actual permission was given — 
that the terms prescribed were acceded to — or that a settlement was 
made while the country continued under the domination of the Dutch. 
— [See Denton's New York, reprint of Penn. Hist. Soc, pp. 12, 13.] 



Note E, page 42. 

The following is a synopsis of the agreement between Carteret 
and Pierce, Pike and Toppan, on the 21st May, 1666. 

Art. I. Liberty is given to the associates to settle one or two town- 
ships consisting of from 40 to 100 families, between Rah way and Rari- 
tan Rivers : the settlement to commence before the month of November 
ensuing. The inhabitants within the bounds of each town to lay out 
their respective portions " within themselves " — one thousand acres to 
be laid out in two tracts, of 500 each, for the proprietors. 

Art. II. The inhabitants of each town were to have a charter 
granted them, — to choose their own magistrates for the government of 
the corporation, — their own minister, and to nominate their military offi- 
cers and Justices of the Peace for the approval of the Governor ; and 
they should have courts to try all causes actionable within their own 
jurisdiction, from which no appeal was to be made under the sum of five 
pounds. 

Art. III. Liberty of conscience guarantied short of licentiousness 
and disturbance of the peace : 200 acres of land to be allowed for the 
maintenance of the ministry, and also, enough for the erection of a 
church, for a churchyard, and other public uses. 



1^4 NOTES. 

sembly. ^PP''"^^^^"" °^^^^e Gfovernor, Council, and General As- 

th.tZ' ^' ^^"^ "''""'' ""^^^^^"^ °^^ ^''^ *^"^^ ^»d *e payment of 
the halfpenny per acre, quit rent, provided for. 

Art. VI. The inhabitants to join with those of the other towns in 
repelhng invasion or queUing insurrection. 

Pc,«f''!'T,"'^'^^*'^'''^°^*^''' ^'^ ^^^^ ^ ^'•e*^ ^«^^e in electing del- 
egates to the General Assembly. 

Art. VIII. The inhabitants to submit themselves to the laws and 
swear or subscribe the oaths of allegiance. 

Art. IX. Full liberty to be given to their removing to any other 
place, and to their selling their lands as they might think proper 

Art. X. The punishment of criminals prescribed. 

ill' ?n ^r^f'.T ^ ^^ resurveyed after seven years' possession, 
f .f 7; "habitants to pass all necessary laws not contrary 

to those of the province. Three montlis were given the associates to 
make known their final determination. 

w^lfw^iJ^'J ?^' *^ ^g^eement was confirmed by John Martin, Hope- 

Phir n-n ^'''"^'' -^"^^ ^^"™^"' ^^"J^^^i" Hull, John Smith, 

Charles Gillman, and Hugh Dunn; and on Oct. 20, 1670, Governor 
Carteret waived all objections that might have been made on the ground 
ot ^leir not havmg " come in exactly according to tlie time limited." E 
J. Records, Lib. I. 2d part, pp. 19 to 22. 



Note F, page 42. 

Synopsis of Woodbridge Charter, June Isf, 1669. 
Art. I. Specifies the metes and bounds, which are particularlv de- 
scribed, and the tract is said to be bounded on the east by Arthur Cull 
bound, north by Elizabethtown, west by New Piscatawav, and south bv 
the Karitan. " ^ 

Art. II. Stipulates that the corporation shall consist of at least sixty 
amihes, and as many more as shall be thought proper ;-directs how the 
land shall be divided, surveyed, &c., each patentee to pay a halfpenny 
er acre annually to the proprietors. 
Art. III. The freeholders to have power to choose their own magis- 
trates, to be assistants to the President or Judge of the Court, and'for 
ordering all public affairs within the township, to nominate their Justices 
and Military officers, to be approved of and commissioned by the Governor 
Art. IV. The majority of the freeholders and freemen to choose 
their own mmister or ministers, towards whose support each inhabitant 



NOTES. 185 

shall contribute according to his estate. — 200 acres of land to be laid out 

for the use of the minister and 100 acres for the maintainancc of a free 
school — " which said land shall not be abducted, but shall remain from 
one encumbent to another for ever ;" — tlie said lands, as well as those for 
building a church or school-house, and for a church-yard and market- 
place, to be exempt from the quit rent — any inhabitant " of a different 
judgment in matters of religion," might maintain any other minister 
witliout molestation. 

Art. V. Authorizes " a Court of Judicature " to consist of a Presi- 
dent (who should be a Justice of the Peace) and, at least, two magis- 
trates, a Clerk, &c., having jurisdiction over all cases involving the sum 
of £5 sterling and under ; and also for the trial of all criminals and causes 
of misdemeanor — inflicting fines, and punishments such as " stocking, 
whipping, (not exceeding twenty stripes,) pilloring, ducking, branding, 
and the like." No freeholder to be arrested and detained for debt until 
judgment and execution, unless it could be made to appear that he was 
about defrauding his creditors by leaving the country, &c., — all fines to 
be disposed of for charitable or public uses. 

Art. VI. Guaranties liberty of conscience according to the terms of 
the concessions. 

Art. VII. The inhabitants to have the privilege of a free trade un- 
burthened by any excise or tax save such as may be imposed by the 
Governor and General Assembly for defraying public charges. 

Art. VIII. The inhabitants to join with those of other towns in re- 
pelling invasion, or attacks of Indians, but not to make war unless by 
consent of the Governor, Council and Assembly. 

Art. IX. The freeholders to choose two deputies to the General 
Assembly. 

Art. X. The freeholders to submit themselves to the laws and go- 
vernment of the province, to swear allegiance to the proprietaries, and 
to have full liberty to remove and dispose of their lands. 

Art. XI. Provides for the general ordering of affairs for the good of 
the township by a majority of the freeholders. 

The document concludes with a proviso that, as Amboy point was to 
be reserved by the Lords Proprietors " in lieu of the seventh part men- 
tioned in the concessions," it was understood and agreed that the nine- 
hundred acres of upland was to be on and about Amboy Point, as then 
surveyed by the Surveyer General, and for the hundred acres of 
meadow, (one thousand acres being the quantity reserved,) it was to be 
laid out in the most convenient place nearest thereto. 

It was signed by Philip Carteret, Governor ; James Bollen, Nicolas 
Verlett, Samuel Edsall, Robert Vanquellen, William Pardon, and Rob- 
ert Bond ; and confirmed under date of 7th September, 1672, by Lord 
Berkeley and Sir George Carteret themselves. 



186 NOTES. 

Note G, page 47. 

The following is a synopsis of the Bergen Charter. The preamble 
reads thus : 

'' This Deede Witnesseth of a Charter Granted to the Towne and 
Freeholders of Bergen and to the Vilages and Plantations thereunto be- 
longing Cituated and being in the Province of New Cesarea or New 
Jersey, By the Hon^ie Capt Phillip Carterett Esq"" Governo'' of the 
said Province and his Councill under The Right Honb'e John Lord 
Berkley Barron of Stratton and S'' George Carterett Kn* and Baronet 
the absolute Lords Proprietors of the same, Containing the Limitts and 
bounds of the Jurisdiction of the said Towne together with the Immuni- 
ties and Priviledges thereunto belonging and appertaining." 

Art. L The bounds are specified, and the whole, containing 11,520 
acres, transferred to the " jurisdiction, corporation or township of the said 
town of Bergen ; the said corporation submitting themselves to the au- 
thority of the Lords Proprietors and the government of this province."' 
Art. IL Fifteen poxinds sterling to be paid annually in lieu of the 
halfpenny ^er acre. 

Art. IIL All freeholders, living on the plantations included within the 
bounds of the corporation (including " Bergen^ Ahasimus, Comunipau. 
Minkacque, Prenbrepock^) to be accounted freemen of the corporation," 
&c. 

Art. IV. The freeholders or a majority of them to make choice of 
two deputies to General Assembly. 

Art. V. To choose their own magistrates, to be assistants to the 
President or Judge of the Court, and to nominate their Justices of the 
Peace and Military officers, to be commissioned by the Governor. 

Art. VI. VII. To choose their own ministers, &c. — similar to the 
Woodbridge Charter, Arts. IV. and VI. 

Art. VIII. IX. Authorized to divide off vacant lands within their 
bounds. 

Art. X. Free trade allowed the inhabitants. 
Art. XI. Inhabitants liable to be called out to repel invasion, &c. 
Art. XII. To choose their own Constables. 

Art. XIII. Inhabitants to submit themselves to laws of the Province 
and subscribe oath of allegiance. 

Art. XIV. Authorizes Courts, &c., similar to Woodbridge Charter. 
Art. V. 

* Controversies subsequently arose * On or before May 1, 1666, persons 

under this clause, as to the true owner- claiming " Pembrepow" and " Men- 
ship of the lands not covered by private kelque," adjoining Constables Hook, 
grants, which were not definitely settled were called upon to prove their title, or 
until commissioners were appointed by the land would be sold to others. E. J. 
the Legislature for the purpose in 1764. Records, Vol. II. Lib. 3, p. 6. 



NOTES. |g7 



Note H, page 48. 

William Sandford. — Some interest, as well as mystery, is thrown 
around this name by the records. Whence he came does not appear, 
but he was probably from the West Indies. His title of Captain (of the 
Militia) was conferred upon him July 15, 1675 : — he then resided at 
Newark. The observation in the body of the work, respecting his con- 
tempt for office, grew out of his declination of a Councillor's appoint- 
ment tendered him in 1669. His scruples however seem to have been 
overcome subsequently, for in 1682 he served in the Council of Deputy 
Governor Rudyard, and, as Major Sandford, in the Council of Deputy 
Governor Lawrie. 

On 24th April, 1677, Sandford transferred to Mrs. Sarah Whartman, 
in trust for the use of his " eldest daughter Nedemiah, and the children 
naturally born of the said Sarah Whartman, viz. — Catharine, Peregrine, 
William, and Grace," one equal third part of all his property between 
the rivers, with one-third of the stock, household stuffs, &c., provided it 
were improved for her maintenance and the education of the said cj^il- 
dren, and the principal not disposed of in anyway without his consent.^ 
Whether he left tlie neighborhood after this or not is unknown, but the 
next year (August 10th) Mrs. Whartman relinquished all she had 
received, re-transferring it to Sandford, having of her " own head and 
obstinate will" violated the condition of the conveyance by removing the 
stock.^ 

These proceedings assume rather a strange aspect when considered 
with reference to the following fact. Sandford died in 1692, letters of 
administration on his estate being granted 1st September. His will was 
dated January 3d, 1690,^ in which he acknowledges Sarah Whartman to 
be his lawful wife, " some considerable reasons having engaged them to 
conceal their marriage," and a certificate of the marriage is annexed, 
signed by Richard Vernon, as having occurred " on board the Pink 
Susannah in the river of Surinam, the 27th March, 1667. He desires 
his body " to be buried, if it may be, in his own plantation, without mourn- 
ing pomp, or expensive ceremonies," and implores his honored friends 
Col. Andrew Hamilton,* Mr. James Emott,^ Mr. Gabriel Meenville 
and Mr. William Nicholls of New York, to assist and favor the concerns 
of a poor ignorant widow and five innocent children " [another daughter, 
Elizabeth, having been added to those already named], " with their best 

> E. J. Records, Vol. 11. Lib. I. part ^ g j Records D. p. 280. 

2d, p. 86. ■• Deputy-governor. 

' E. J. Records, Vol. III. Lib. B, p. ^ Secretary of the province, of difTer- 

304. ent courts, &c. 



188 NOTES. 

advice, help and council, to preserve them from those vultures and har- 
pies which prey on the carcasses of widows and fatten with the hiood of 
orphans." His daughter Nedemiah married Richard Berry. Catharine 
married Dr. Van Imburgh, and left numerous descendants, and Elizabeth 
became the wife of Capt. James Davis ; but the fate of the other children 
is unknown. 

Major Nathaniel Kingsland does not appear to have visited the 
province. At his death he left one-third of his New Jersey plantation to 
his nephew Isaac Kingsland. His children who survived him were : 
Johriy Nathaniel, Isabella, wife of Henry Harding, Carolina, wife of 
John Barrow, Mary, wife of William Walley, and Esther, wife of 
Henry Applethwaite. Isaac Kingsland resided in New Barbadoes, and 
was in the Council during the administration of Deputy Governors 
Lawrie, Lord Niell Campbell, and Andrew Hamilton. He died in Jan- 
uary or February, 1698,' and left Edmund, John, Mary, Hester, Ehz- 
abeth, (which was also the name of his wife,) Frances and Isaac ; some 
of whose descendants are yet residents of the eastern portion of the 
state. — His brother, Gustavus Kingsland, acted as one of his executors. 
A sister of Major Nathaniel Kingsland (Elizabeth) was married to a 
Mr. Mandeville of New- Jersey. 



Note I, page 51. 

The following is the proclamation of Governor Carteret convening 
the first General Assembly in New Jersey : — from E. J. Records, Vol. 
II. Lib. 3. 

" Whereas, by the infinite goodness, providence, and blessing of Al- 
mighty God, this Province of New Jersey is in a probable way of being 
populated ; there being a considerable number of families already set- 
tled in several parts of the same, and many more that in a short time 
are to come and place themselves under this government ; for the bet- 
ter propagating and encouragement thereof, I have thought fit, with the 
advice of my Council, to appoint a General Assembly to begin the 25th 
day of May ensuing the date hereof, for the making and constituting 
such wholesome laws as shall be most needful and necessary for the 
good government of the said province, and the maintaining of a reli- 
gious communion, and civil society, one with the other, as becometh 
Christians, without which it is impossible for any Body Politic to pros- 
per or subsist. 

" Wherefore these are in the Lords Proprietors names to will and 
require all the freeholders belonging to * * * to make choice and 

E. J. Records F, p. 529. 



NOTES. 



189 



appoint two able men that are freeholders, and dwellers within the said 
limits, to be your Burgesses and Representatives for you, and they be- 
ing empowered by you are to make their personal appearance at Eliz- 
abethtown, the 25th day of May next as aforesaid, and there to join with 
me your Governor and my Council to advise in the management of 
the atiairs that are needful and necessary for the orderly and well gov- 
erning of the said province : — Hereof you may not fail, as you and 
every of you will answer your contempt to the contrary. Given under 
the seal of the Province, the seventh day of April, 1668, and in the 20th 
year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles the Second of Eng- 
land, Scotland, Prance, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &,c. 

"PH. CARTERET." 

GOVERNOR Carteret's official seal. 




Note K, page 53. 

The following are the messages which passed between the Gov- 
ernor and Council and the Assembly on the occasion referred to in the 
text : they show what were some of the grounds of dissension. 

" The sixth of November, 1668. 

" A Message sent in by the Deputies to the Governor and his 
Council. 

" Honoured Gentlemen, 

" We, finding so many and great inconveniences by our not setting 



190 NOTES. 

together, and your apprehensions so different to ours, and your expecta- 
tions that things must go according to your opinions, though we see 
no reason for, much less warrant from the Concessions, wherefore we 
thinli it vain to spend much time of returning answers by writings that 
are so exceeding dilatory, if not fruitless and endless. And therefore 
we think our way rather to break up our meeting, seeing the order of 
the Concessions cannot be attended to." 

" The Answer by the Governor and his Council. 
" In answer to your last proposition, we desire you to appoint two of 
your deputies to consider with us, in what point we act contrary to the 
Concessions, it being too late to-night to entertain so long a debate, we 
will be ready to-morrow morning to give them a hearing, and if reason 
will satisfy you, we shall be very well pleased that you proceed accord- 
ing to the Lords Proprietors Concessions, and the trust imposed upon 
you, if not you may do what you please, only we advise you to consider 
well of your resolutions before you break up." 

Copia Vera. 

JAMES BOLLEN, Secretary. 
[Grants and Concessions, p. 9., from E. J. Records.] 



Note L, page 69. 

The following extracts from the New York Colonial Papers illus- 
trate this matter of the Customs : 

In a postscript to a despatch to Major Andros, from Sir John 
Werden, the Duke's Secretary, February 13th, 1674-5, the Governor is 
thus advised. 

" I had almost forgot to tell you that we have as yet done nothing 
towards the adjusting Sir George Carteret's pretensions in New Jersey, 
where I presume you will take care to keep all things in the same pos- 
ture (as to the Duke's prerogatives and profits,) as they were in your 
predecessor's time, until you shall hear of some alterations agreed to 

here." 

In a despatch dated 31st August, 1676, he says, 
" I add thus much further in relation to Sir George Carteret's Col- 
ony of New Jersey, it is that I have acquainted his Royal Highness with 
what Mr. Dyre wrote to me, about his late bickering with Captain Car- 
teret, for not letting a present pass, &c. And though small matters are 
hardly worth the notice, especially where Sir George Carteret himself is 
concerned, (for whom the Duke hath much esteem and regard,) I do 
not find that the Duke is at all inclined to let go any part of his prerog- 
ative which you and your predecessors have all along constantly as- 
serted in his behalf, and so, though at present in respect to Sir George 



NOTES. 



191 



we soften things all we may, not to disturb his choler, (for in truth the 
passion of his inferior officers so far infects him as puts him on demands 
which he hath no colour of right to,) / verily believe should his foot 
chance to slip, those tcho succeed him must be content with less civility than 
we show him in this point, since that we should exercise that just autho- 
rity his Royal Highness hath, without such reserves as though intended 
but favours note, may if confirmed, redound too much to Hie prejudice of 
your Colony. You will reserve what I say in this paragraph to your- 
self." 

The above, in Italics, exhibits the germ of that hostility to tlie com- 
mercial prosperity of East Jersey, which was manifested when it had 
passed into the hands of others. _ 



Note M, page 81. 

The following documents are the foundation of the letter men- 
tioned in the text : — they are among the New York Records. 

" August the 6th, (80.) 
'• Memorandum. 

" Mr. Byllinge, for himself and others, having long insisted on their 
right derived from the Duke's grant to Lord Berkeley and Sir George 
Carteret, (as Proprietors of West New Jersey in America,) to be exempt 
from paying any customs or other duties, or being any ways under the 
jurisdiction of New York, but alleging the said West New Jersey to 
be wholly independent therefrom : after many hearings by the appoint- 
ment of his Royal Highness, who was pleased to refer the whole matter 
to the decision of Sir William Jones, &c. At the last Sir William 
Jones gave his opinion under his own hand as foUoweth : 

' 28th July, 1680. 

' I do hereby humbly certify, that, having heard what hath been in- 
sisted on for his Royal Highness, to make good the legality of the de- 
mand of five per cent, from the inhabitants of New Jersey, I am not sat- 
isfied (by any thing I have yet heard) that the Duke can demand that 
or any other duty from the inhabitants of those lands. And that which 
makes the case the stronger against his Royal Highness is, that these 
inhabitants claim under a grant from his Royal Highness to the Lord 
Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, in which grant there is no reser- 
vation of any profit, or so much as jurisdiction. 

WM. JONES.' 

" In compliance to which opinion, his Royal Highness, this day, 6th 
August, 1680, at London, did command Sir John Werden to bring him 
a Deed of confirmation (or Release) tendered by Mr. Byllinge, the more 



192 



NOTES. 



formally to convey the said West New Jersey to him and the rest of the 
Proprietors, and plainly to extinguish the demand of any Customs or 
other duties from them (save the rent reserved as at the first.) And his 
Royal Highness, though his Council at Law (Sir John Churchill and 
Sir George Jeffrey being both absent,) had neither drawn nor signed it, 
was pleased to execute the same accordingly, by reason that Mr. Byl- 
linge urged the necessity of it now, to have the benefit of the ships' pre- 
sent voyage, some being now ready to sail unto those parts of West 
New Jersey above mentioned." 



" These are to direct and require you to prepare for my signature a 
Deed, or fitting instrument, (agreeable to that I have already executed 
unto Edward Byllinge and others,) whereby I may release and confirm 
unto Sir George Carteret, the heir of Sir George Carteret, (lately de- 
ceased,) the moiety of New Jersey (called East New Jersey) in Ame- 
rica. For which this shall be your warrant, provided it be entered with 
my Auditor-General within two months of its date. Given under my 
hand at Windsor, the 6th day of September, 1680. 

" To Sir John Churchill, Knt., my Atty. Genl., to Sir George JefTreye. 
Knt, my SoUcr. Genl." 



Note N, page 80. 



The following is a synopsis of the correspondence which took place 
previous to the dissolution of the Assembly in 1681, from the copy in 
the New York Colonial Papers. Chalmers had access to the document, 
and refers to the correspondence in his work, but its details have never 
before been made public. 

October 19, 1681. — The Representatives desire to be informed 
whether they are to consider the late grant from the duke as the foun- 
dation of the government. 

October 19th. — The answer returned is, that the Patent from the 
Duke, confirmed by the King, must be regarded as the foundation of the 
government. A hope is expressed that none of the bad seed sown by 
Sir Edmund Andros had taken such deep root as to lead to doubts on 
the subject, unless indeed Sir Edmund's actions were approved of by 
them. " Wherefore," say the Council, " we desire in the prosecution 
of your duties that you would fall upon something that may be for the 
good of the province." 



NOTES. J93 

October 20th. — The Council desire tlie Representatives to appoint a 
committee to meet one from their board to confer upon the mutters in 
dispute : the conference to be that afternoon. The conuuittee appointed 
by the Assembly consisted of Captain John Bowne, Speaker, Thomas 
Johnson, Edward Slaughter, or Slater, and John Elsby ; the names of 
the Council committee are not given. 

The Representatives pass a resolution that the Concessions oranted 
by the Proprietors February 10th, 1664-5, are to be taken according to 
the letter without any interpretations whatever : — and, in pinswer to the. 
Council's communication, the Clerk informs that body that in the in- 
quiry first propounded they intended nothing more than to arrive at a 
right understanding ol' the matter referred to, and " deem all reflecting 
expressions may be forborne as not tending to peace." 

October 21st. — The Council inquire what misinterpretations have 
been put upon tlie Concessions. 

October 21st. — The Representatives pronounce the " Declaration of 
tlie true intent and meaning of the Lords Proprietors, and explanation 
of the Concessions," to be a breach of the Concessions ; under which 
certain persons have presumed to act to the great prejudice of the in- 
habitants and settlers. 

October 21st. — The Council in reply require the acts of encroach- 
ment, &c., to be specified and by whom committed. 

October 22d. — The Representatives request the appointment of 
committees with a view of obtaining a full explanation in relation to the 
matters complained of 

October 22d. — The Council appoint Monday 24th, between 11 and 
12, as the time for the conference, and the same committee is appointed 
by the Assembly, excepting John Curtis in the room of John Elsby, and 
an adjournment is agreed upon to Tuesday the 25th. 

October 25th. — Spent in debates. 

October 27th. — The representatives pronounce the Declaration and 
Concessions contradictory one with the other, and demand that the for- 
mer be made void. 

October 27th. — The Council acknowledge the receipt of the message 
and say in answer : " Wee well know that the General Assembly doth 
not consist of you, the Deputies alone, wisdome is justified of her chil- 
dren and teacheth men wherein they stand distinct to answer for them- 
selves and not for the whole : you further add that you desire and ex- 
pect that the boddy of the said Instrument should be made void, as you 
have had the benefit of reading as well as weighing (as you say) the 
said Instrument. If you had also had the Benefitt of understanding you 
would neither have desired nor expected the same to be made void." 

October 2Sth. — The Deputies declare tliat the Inhabitants of the 
province, are not obliged to conform themselves to the Declaration, they 

13 



194 NOTES, 

having found that instrument contrary to the tenor of the Concessions. 
They say, in making known their objections to the Governor and Coun- 
cil, they, " instead of returning a positive answer doe reflect upon tlie 
abihty and understanding of the Deputies, and thereby expHcitly denyed 
the same, we are therefore necessitated in pursuance of the trust re- 
posed in us to make this our publication against the said Declaration," 
&c. 

The Council remind the House, " to the end that no encroachment 
or contradiction may be put upon the concessions," that no provision 
had yet been made by them for the support of the government. 

October 29ih. — The Council advise the House that the purpose of 
another conference wluch had been proposed was the removal, if pos- 
sible, of all that obstructed the well settling of the affairs of the pro- 
vince. 

October 29th. — The Representatives cannot discover from the Coun- 
cil's answer, the object of the conference. 

October 29th. — The Council desire that a debate may be had of the 
whole General Assembly, (joint meeting,) and in another communica- 
tion, [as if they themselves had just discovered it,] call the attention of 
the assembly to the fact that in the sixth article of the Concessions the 
Proprietors had reserved the right of alteration ; and they say, " It is a 
matter of lamentation that the Representatives of the Province, should 
be soe sJiort sighted that they cannot see what he which runnes may 
read." 

October 29th. — The Deputies, in answer, doubt the correctness of 
the application placed upon the sixth article. 

October 29th. — The Council write that they had attended at the 
place and time appointed for the joint meeting, but the Deputies had not 
attended as promised: — They say, " Had we men to doe with all that 
have regard to their promises, it would be a happinesse both to us and 
the Province, you may doe well to call it to mind that as you bare the 
shape of men, you should acknowledge your error, and doe yourselves and 
the contrivers of the Breach soe much rightastojoyneinaDebate tobe 
held by a Committee of the whole General Assembly, upon Monday next, 
by 10 o'clock of the same day, to the end that every member of the 
General Assembly, may see with his own eyes, and hear with his own 
ears, the things that concern the present bleeding condition of the 
whole province, to which time we have adjourned." 

October 31st. — The Representatives, as if impressed with the weight 
of the suggestions of the Council relative to the sixth article, undertake 
to refute them. 

October 31st. — The Council again remind the House of the required 
provision for the support of government, " according to the conces- 
sions." 



NOTES. 



195 



October 31s<. — The Representatives answer, that they are attending 
to their own and the country's business — " every thing is beautiful in hie 
season," say they. 

November 2d. — The Deputies were summoned by Captain Jamee 
Bollen, (the Secretary of the Province,) Captain Henry Greenland, and 
Mr. Samuel Edsall, to attend immediately the Governor and Council. 
The Speaker desired time to consider the matter ; whereupon Captain 
Bollen declared by order of the Governor, that " this pretended house of 
deputies be dissolved," and left with the members a paper that objected 
to the stile of General Assembly assumed by the Representatives. !t 
said, " true wisdom would teach you better manners than to stile your- 
selves the General Assembly. Doubtless there was no want of Igno- 
rance and disloyalty Avhere this Bratt had its education, inasmuch as 
that the General Assembly consists of the Governor, Council, and Dep- 
uties, ergo the Deputies are no General Assembly. It was Lucifer's 
pride that putt him upon setting himself where God never intended to 
set him ; and his presumption produced or was forerunner of his fall ; 
you sett yourselves where the laws of England, nor yet the Concessions 
of this Province, never sett nor intended to sett men that are but in 
private capacity, &c." They object that some of the members are not 
qualified, inasmuch as they hold freeholds in conformity with the 
concessions ; and, in reference to the previous note received, they 
■say it is evident they were " first for themselves, and then for the coun- 
try :" " Private spirits in men in public employment, are the jewels that 
adorn your brests." 

The House of Deputies with one consent protested against the dis- 
solution, as being contrary to the Concessions, and an innovation of the 
government. 

Thus ended this singular correspondence, the Deputies having as- 
suredly conducted their part of it with a much greater regard to deco- 
rum than characterized the share of the Council. 



Note O, page 88. 

It is presumed that the Deed from the Duke of York to the Twenty- 
four proprietaries direct, resulted from the following correspondence, 
taken from the New York Colonial papers : — 

Extract from a letter of the Register of Scotland to Sir John Werden, 
the Duke's Secretary, dated December 21, 1682 : — 

" I did write to you formerly of our desire who are Proprietors of 
East Jersey, to have our grant rather holden by Charter of his Royal 



J 96 NOTES. 

Highness, than as it is at present by transmission from our Authors : 
without any augmentation of our privileges, but only to be under the 
Duke's immediate protection." 

Sir John Werden's answer : 

"St. James, 4 January, 1682-3. 

" My Lord :— I should have answered your Lordship's of 21st Dec'r 
sooner, but that I have waited a good opportunity to make tlie proposal 
mentioned in your letter, about the East part of New Jersey. 

And now I am to desire a little farther explanation of what is aimed 
at in your proposal, that is, whether the proprietors of East New Jersey 
design to join that to New York (as heretofore) as a part of that gov- 
ernment and so share in it by sending their Representatives to the As- 
sembly at New York, (in such number as may be agreed on, if it be 
thought fit) and contributing to the public charges in proportion, &c., 
or else whether having their government in East New Jersey holden 
by charter from his Royal Highness immediately, rather than by trans- 
mission from their Authors, (as your Lordship expresses it,) and being 
under the Duke's protection be to be understood only of the Duke's con- 
firmation of their rights and possessions there, as they are devised unto 
them from Sir George Carteret or his heirs, by virtue of the Duke's 
grant heretofore to him and them. 

Moreover, for the ease of negotiating your affair, I desire your 
Lordship will appoint some one (well instructed) empowered to answer 
such objections as may be started by his Royal Highness's Commission- 
ers here, when that is laid before them. 
To the Rt. Honorable, 

the Lord Register in Edinburgh." 



Note P, page 88. 



The following notices of some of the twenty-four proprietaries have 
been compiled from various sources. Of many, however, as will be seen, 
no precise information has been obtained, and others are mentioned 
more particularly in the body of the work. 

James, Earl of Perth, was the fourtli who had borne tlie title. 
He was born in 1648, went through a course of philosophy at the Uni- 
versity of St. Andrews, and afterward visited France. He was sworn 
a Privy Counsellor in 1678, and after the fall of the Duke of Lauder- 
dale (having joined in the opposition to him) he was constituted Justice 



NOTES. jQ^ 

General of Scotland, (May, 1682.) and the same year was appointed one 
of the Extraordinary Lords of Session. On tlie 25th June, 1684, he was 
appointed, by Commission, to the high ofBce of Chancellor of Scotland 
and the same year to be also principal SheritFof the County of Edin- 
burgh. 

Being a stanch adherent of the Stuart family, and having declared 
himself a Roman Catholic, he was continued in all his offices on the 
accession of James II. in 1685, and had the chief administration of 
affairs in Scotland. In 1687, he was invested with the order of the 
Thistle, then revived, and, as we may suppose, from a well-founded con- 
jecture as to future events, he about the same time made a resignation 
of the Earldom of Perth, and of his whole estate, with the hereditable 
offices of Steward, Coroner, and Forester of Strathen, Genartney and 
Balquhidder, in favor of his son and heirs male. 

The ensuing year (1688) James abdicated the British throne, and in 
1691 sought a residence in France. The Earl of Perth had been too 
deeply engaged in all the prominent events of his reign, to witness this 
departure of his sovereign unmoved. He retired from Edinburgh, and 
embarked in a vessel at Burnt Island for France. The lodgings he had 
left were plundered by the populace ; and, on his flight becoming 
known, he was pursued by an armed boat from Kirkaldy, overtaken, 
stripped of all he had with him of any value, and thrown into the com- 
mon prison at that place ; where he lay until removed to Stirling Cas- 
tle. He remained in confinement until relieved by warrant of Privy 
Council in 1693, on his giving bonds in the sum of £5000 to leave the 
kingdom. 

The Earl proceeded to Rome, where he resided two years, but his 
dethroned monarch at St. Germains, his place of refuge, sent for him 
and created him Duke of Perth,' first Lord of the Bedchamber, Cham- 
berlain to the Glueen, Governor of the Prince of Wales, and invested 
him also with the Order of the Garter: — honors of but httle value, ex- 
cepting as marks of the affection and consideration of his king, whom 
he survived more than five years : dying at St. Germains, March 11th, 
1716, aged 68. He was buried in the Chapel of the Scots College at 
Paris. 

According to a contemporary, the Earl of Perth was " personally 
proud, told a story prettily, was of middle stature, with a quick look and 

* " Tlie Earl of Perth received the with the proprietors' dukedom, having 

very great honor from King James at but 30 or 40 houses standing on Amboy 

St. Germains in France, to be created Point." So wrote Oldmixonof thecapital 

Duke at the expense of the ruin of him- of East Jersey in his History of the Brii- 

self and his family. To compliment ish Empire in America : — much disposed 

this noble person the city of Perth was apparently, to ridicule most of the 

so called, and it is exactly of a piece schemes of the proprietaries. 



198 NOTES, 

brown complexion." By other writers he has been pronounced tim- 
orous and wavering. 

The titles of Earl of Perth and Lord Drummond became dormant 
at his death, his eldest son being attainted. He married in succession 
Lady Jane Douglass, daughter of William, the first Earl of Douglass ; 
Lilias, daughter of Sir James Drummond, of Maching, relict of William, 
fifth Earl of TuUibardine : and Lady Mary Gordon, daughter of Lewis, 
third Marquis of Huntley. 

The Earl's eldest son was educated at Doway in France ; — the 
house of his mother, who was a bigoted Romanist, being a sort of sem- 
inary or nursery for tlie priests. He was a man of taste, well acquainted 
with polemical divinity, benevolent, affable, and of a cheerful tempera- 
ment. He never considered himself bound by any ties of allegiance, as 
he had never taken the oaths ; and forgetting the motto of his family, 
" Gang warily," he involved himself in ruin by returning to Scotland a 
short time before the invasion of 1745, and taking an active part in the 
operations of Charles Edward, until the battle of CuUoden in 1746 put 
an end to the hopes of the Stuart family. Obhged to flee, he died be- 
fore he reached a foreign shore.' 

The title of the father was claimed by tlie heirs male, but their being 
all adherents to the Stuart cause was sufficient reason for a refusal"-^ of 
the grant. It was restored in 1797, to James Drummond, the grandson 
and heir of the Earl, but he died without male issue in 1800, and, in 
consequence, the title became extinct. The estate, however, was 
saved, from its having been conveyed to flie eldest son previous 
to the attainder of the Earl. One-half of his right in East Jersey was 
conveyed to others by himself in 1683 and 1684, and the remainder by 
his son as heir and assignee, in 1704.^ In 1813, the Scottish estate 
was in the possession of the Hon. Peter Robert Burrel, who married 
Clementina, daughter of the last Earl, who was allowed by the King to 
adopt the Drummond arms : which are — 

Arms. — Or. Three bars wavy, gules. 

Crest. — On a ducal coronet, a slouth hound proper, collared and 
leashed, gules. 

Supporters. Two savages, proper, wreathed about the head and 
middle with oak leaves, holding batons over their shoulders standing 
upon a compartment like a green hill, semez of caltrops. 

Motto— ^^ Gang warily."^ 

* Boyse'sHist. of Rebellion, 1745, p. G9. ' Bill in Chancery, p. 84. 

* Thomas Drummond, son of the * Wood's Peerage of Scotland, Rus- 
Earl of Perth, was in America in 1764, sell's Modern Europe, Scott's Tales of a 
for the purpose of inquiring into the sit- Grandfather, &c. 

uation of the estate in East Jersey be- 
longing to the family. 



NOTES. J 99 

" John Dritmmond of Lxindie," sometimes called Laird of Lundie, and 
styled by Grahams Lord Drummond of Gilston, was brother to the Earl 
of Perth, and in 1685 became Earl of Melfort. He retired to France in 
1688, having for two or three years before been Secretary of State for 
Scotland to King James. He married twice, — the children by his first 
wife inheriting his Scottish property, the eldest son being staled Baron 
Lundie. The children by his second wife sutfered by his attainder, 
which took place in 1695; they were four in number. Three of them 
died without issue. One of them became a Colonel in the French ser- 
vice.^ In 1764, James Drummond, the grandson and heir of the Earl 
of Melfort was in America and applying for proprietary lands by right 
of the Earl's interest. 

" Robert Barclay of Urie." Any farther notice of this gentleman 
than that to be found in the body of the work is unnecessary. 

" David Barclay of Urie " was a brother of the Governor, and ap- 
pears to have visited the province previous to 1684.^ He died however 
about the end of August, 1685, on his passage to East Jersey from Ab- 
erdeen, in charge of a cargo of goods on account of the proprietaries.' 
His rights in the soil seem to have been inherited in whole or in part by 
a brother, John, who lived for many years, and died, in the province. 

" Robert Gordon of Clunie " was one of those proprietaries who ap- 
pear to have engaged in the East Jersey enterprise with no other object 
in view than pecuniary profit. He never came to the province, and sold 
his interest, one-half in 1683 and the other in 1705. 

" Arent Sonmans, of Wallingford," Scotland. This gentleman was 
a Hollander, residing at Rotterdam previous to his removal to Scotland. 
On becoming interested in New Jersey he intended visiting the province ; 
but on his way to Scotland from London, in company with Governor 
Barclay, in August 1683, when passing through Hunterdonshire, he was 
shot by a highwayman, in his thigh, and in the course of a few days the 
wound proved mortal, and he was buried in Friends' Burial Ground, 
Hinton.* He left a wife (Frances Hancock) and three children: Pe- 
ter who came to East Jersey, and became a person of some notoriety ; 

' MS. argument of counsel, Arbitra- guraent Earl of Perth vs. Earl of Ster- 

tion case " Earl of Perth «s Earl of Stir- ling. Stirling's Bill vs. Hunt. This 

ling," in the author's possession. last authority says Sonmans was robbed 

* Scot's Model, p. 186. of his papers ; but it was thought by 
^ E. J. Records A, p. 397. Stir- some that he was killed by an emissary 

ling's Answer in Chancery. MS. in N. from Holland, on account of political 
Y. Hist. Library. matters. 

* Smith's N. J. p. 425. MS. Ar- 



•200 NOTES. 

Rachel, the wife of Joseph Ormston, and Joanna, wife of Joseph Wright. 
The greater portion of Arcnt Sonmans' estate descended to his son. 

" William Penn, of Wormingliurst. Sussex." It is unnecessary here 
to portray the character or to sketch the hfe of one so well known. His 
right in East Jersey was one of the few that remained unlessened through 
all the changes and vicissitudes in the province, and descended at his 
death to his heirs. Penn does not appear to have taken any active part 
in the administration of the government of the province, his whole atten- 
tion being engrossed by Pennsylvania. 

" Robert West, Middle Temple, London," was a lawyer by pro- 
fession, and is characterized by Graham as having obtained " so much 
infamous distinction as a witness for the crown on the trial of Lord Rus- 
aell," one of the Lords concerned in the '' Rye House plot." West was 
implicated, but gave testimony against his companions. It may be seen 
at length in " A true account of, and papers relating to the horrid con- 
spiracy against the late King, fol. 1685." He is there mentioned (p. 
25) as one of five republican lawyers, whose hatred of the government 
caused to be factious against the known interests of their own profession. 
•' They were all men of crafty heads and nimble tongues, restless spread- 
ers of false news, bold talkers in seditious clubs; where, according to the 
corrupt fashion of these times, the most profligate persons of all condi- 
tions were wont openly to arraign the monarchy, and vilify the church, 
under the fair show of amending both, and a tender concernment for the 
public good." 

His propriety right was soon parted with, being transferred to Thomas 
Cox the same year it was obtained ; but in 1692, he received a grant 
from the proprietaries for nine hundred and sixty acres " out of a Grate- 
ful sense of ye good services," as they say, " done to the Concernes of 
ye said Province by Robert West Esq'r. and particularly of Late in as- 
serting their Right to the Government thereof and do rely upon his fu- 
ture Endeavours to do all the good Offices for the Same that fall in his 
way."' 

It is not known that any of Mr. West's family ever came to east 
Jersey. 

" Thomas Rudyard, London, Gentleman," the first Deputy-Gov- 
ernor of the province under Barclay, is particularly noticed elsewhere. 

'•Samoel Groome, Mariner of Stepney," is mentioned in the fore- 
going pages, as accompanying Deputy-Governor Rudyard to the pro- 
vince in 1682. He had made a voyage to Maryland in 1676, in a vessel 

' ' E. J. Records. 



NOTES. 



201 



of his own, returning by the way of West Jersey,' which may account 
for his subsequent connection with the eastern proprietaries. His let- 
ters, preserved in Scot's Model, indicate that he Avas much pleased with 
the appearance of the province, and indulged many pleasing anticipa- 
tions of the growth and prosperity of its embryo capital, which he did 
not live to see realized, as he died in 1683 : leaving on the stocks, unfin- 
ished, the first vessel built in East Jersey. He left a wife (Elizabeth), 
and one son, (Samuel,) but neither of them came to the province. 

The son seems to have had the control of his father's property, even 
during his life time ; for the proprietaries in July, 1683, writing to Law- 
rie, say that Groome may feel disposed to return to England, when he 
should hear of the great inclination shown by the son to sell his father's 
propriety.^ He probably did sell it, as it was transferred to Wm. Dock- 
wra the same month. 

" Thomas Hart, of Enfield, Middlesex, Merchant." This was an- 
otlier proprietary who preserved his right unimpaired ; and it descended, 
subsequent to 1700, to a sister Patience Ashfield, whose grandson and 
heir, Richard Ashfield, came to the province, and was appointed, Sep- 
tember 1725, Receiver-General of the Board of Proprietors. A de- 
scendant of Hart's, by the name of Bland, also became a resident of the 
province in 1767. 

"Richard Mew, of Stepney, Middlesex, Merchant." 

" Thomas Cooper, Citizen and Merchant Tailor of London." 

" Ambrose RiGG, of Catton place, Surry, Gentleman." 

"John Haywood, Citizen and Skinner of London." 

These four very soon parted with their respective rights, (excepting 
one-half of Cooper's, which was retained until 1706,) and took no interest 
in the province. Nothing is known of them save the simple annuncia- 
tion, as above, of their occupation and place of residence. 

"Hugh Hartshorne, Citizen and Skinner of London." 
In 1766, an applicant for the proprietary right of Mr. Hartshorne,^ 
in the person of John Hunt, made his appearance in New Jersey ; and 
through him were some items respecting the family made public. 

Hugh Hartshorne was an "upholsterer" of Houndsditch — a member 
of any one company being at liberty to engage in any business. He was 

' Smith's N. J. p. 80. the title to Hartshorne"s right having 

* Grants and Concessions, p. 176. been previously acknowledged by the 

' A suit in Chancery was the result ; Board to be vested in others. 



202 NOTES. 

admitted to the freedom of the Skinners' Company August 1st, 1654, 
and died 25th April, 1684, aged 55. He left four sons, Hugh, Harrison, 
Edward and Thomas. Hugh, the eldest, was sexton of St. Botolph 
Aldgate, and died Nov. 28th, 1706, intestate, leaving two sons, Harrison 
and Hugh. The first died August 5th, 1719, leaving one son who died 
without issue ; the second died July 9th, 1741, leaving Hugh Hartshorne., 
mariner, his soft and heir, who died in 1745, unmarried, leaving all his 
property to his sister Sarah Hartshorne, who married George Saun- 
ders, and in January, 1765, sold her proprietary right to John Hunt. 

" Clement Pldmstead, Citizen and Draper of London." 
In 1683, one-half of his right was conveyed away, but the other de- 
scended to his heir, and by him, in 1715, was transferred to a relative, 
of the same name as the proprietary, then residing in Philadelphia, and 
from whom the Plumsteads in that quarter are descended. Nothing 
is known by the writer of the first Clement. One of the original deeds 
from James to the twenty-four proprietaries was given to the state in 
1837, by Lieut. Plumstead, of the U. S. navy, a descendant. 

" Gawen Lawrie, of London, Merchant." has been particularly no- 
ticed on previous pages. 

"Edward Byllinge of the City of Westminster, Middlesex, Gen- 
tleman," very soon after securing his interest, sold it to Daniel Cox, of 
West Jersey. Byllinge was the purchaser of that province from Lord 
Berkeley, and nine-tenths of it eventually passed into the hands of Penn, 
Lawrie and Lucas, as trustees for the benefit of his creditors generally : 
being " all that he had left him towards their satisfaction :" — a security 
now most ample for a much larger sum than the total amount of his 
debts, which came to about thirty thousand pounds sterling. It is 
thought he came to West Jersey previous to 1683, as in that year he 
received a grant of four acres of land in Burhngton, for his own resi- 
dence. He died in 1687. 

" Thomas Warne, of Dubhn, Merchant," sold two-thirds of his inte- 
rest in 1682, and the remaining third descended to his son Stephen 
Warne, who, with his brother Thomas Warne, came to East Jersey in 
1683 ; arriving in March, with eleven servants. Stephen was among 
the early settlers of Perth Amboy ; and Thomas, who was styled " Car- 
penter," took up his abode in Monmouth County. 

" William Gibson, Citizen and Haberdasher of London," died pre- 
vious to 1689, and his interest was disposed of by his heir. 

" Robert Turner, of Dublin, Merchant," never took any interest 
in the province, and sold most of his property in 1685. 



NOTES. 



203 



"Thomas Barker, of London, Merchant," sold one-half of his right 
in 1683, and the remainder descended to his widow, who effected a sale 
of it in 1713. None of the family ever visited the province. 

" James Braine, of London, Merchant," continued to hold his inte- 
rest in the province, without visiting it, until his death in 1690, when it 
was inherited by three sons. It remained in their possession for seve- 
ral years, but whether or not they came to East Jersey in person is not 
known. 



Note Q, page 90. 

Mr. Grahame, m his History of the United States, has so well stated 
the grounds of the connection which existed between the Court and the 
Quakers, that no apology is necessary for introducing the passage here. 
He says : 

" It is not difficult to understand how a friendly intercourse originat- 
ed between the leading persons among the Quakers, and Charles the 
Second and his brother. The quakers desired to avail themselves of 
the authority of the king for the establishment of a general toleration, 
and for their own especial defence against the enmity and dislike of 
their numerous adversaries. The king and his brother regarded with 
great benevolence the principles of non-resistance professed by these 
sectaries, and found in them the only class of Protestants who could be 
rendered instrumental to the design of re-establishing popery by the pre- 
paratory measure of a general toleration." ***** 
" They hoped to make an instrument of the king: while he permitted 
them to flatter themselves with this hope, that he might avail himself of 
their instrumentality for the accomplishment of his own designs." 

" Perhaps, since the days when the prophets of Israel were divinely 
commissioned to rebuke their offending monarchs, no king was ever ad- 
dressed in terms of more dignified admonition than Robert Barclay has 
employed in concluding the dedication of his famous " Apology for the 
Quakers" to Charles the Second. ' There is no king in the world,' he 
bids the monarch remember, ' who can so experimentally testify of 
God's providence and goodness, neither is there any who rules so many 
free people, so many true Christians : which thing renders thy govern- 
ment more honorable, and thyself more considerable, than the accession 
of many nations filled with slavish and superstitious souls. Thou hast 
tasted of prosperity and adversity ; thou knowest what it is to be ban- 
ished thy native country and to be overruled, as well as to rule and sit 
upon the throne ; and, being oppressed, thou hast reason to know how 



204 NOTES. 

hateful the oppressor is both to God and man. If, after all these warn- 
ings and advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy 
heart, but forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give 
thyself up to follow lust and vanity, surely great will be thy condemna- 
tion.' Yet, Charles gave himself up to lust and vanity, without appre- 
hending or experiencing any diminution of the regards of his Quaker 
friends ; and the falsehood and cruelty that stained the conduct of both 
Charles and James rendered them hateful to all men except the Catho- 
lics and Quakers." 

This fact, the historian remarks, led their contemporaries to consider 
the Quakers, at bottom, the votaries of popery and arbitrary power; he 
conceives a juster and more charitable censure to be that they were the 
dupes of kiugly courtesy, craft, and dissimulation. [Vol. II. p. 615. 
Edit. 1837.] 



Note R, page 101. 

As the twenty-four proprietaries appear to have formed high anticipa- 
tions of the beneficial tendency of the " Fundamental Constitutions " 
they proposed, a synopsis of them is here given, although they were 
never in force in the province ; in order that they may be compared 
with the Concessions, which they were intended to supersede. 

Art. I. Provided for the election of a governor on the death or dis- 
missal of Robert Barclay. Each of the proprietors to propose a candi- 
date, and the one receiving the nomination of sixteen to be appointed 
for three years ; and the actors in any scheme to lengthen his term to 
be considered public enemies and betrayers of the liberties of the 
province. 

Art. II. The government of the province was to consist of a Great 
Council, composed of the twenty-four proprietaries, or their proxies, 
and one hundred and forty-four of the freemen of the province : but 
inasmuch as the towns were yet few, &c., twenty-four for the towns, and 
forty-eight for the counties, making with the proprietaries ninety-six 
persons, should constitute the council until the larger number should 
be deemed necessary ; one-third of the members to be'chosen annually, 
to serve three years, and not to be eligible for re-election until two years 
had elapsed. 

Art. III. Persons qualified as freemen were such as had in pos- 
session fifty acres of land, (ten of them cleared and cultivated,) and 
inhabitants of the province. If residing in boroughs, a house and three 
acres were requisite ; or, should a hired house and lot be occupied, the 



NOTES. 



205 



possession of fifty pounds' worth of stock. The mode of election pre- 
scribed was, to put into a box the names of all qualified persons in the 
county, and fifty were to be drawn out ; these fifty were then to be re- 
turned to the box, and the first twenty-five subsequently drawn were 
to be those from whom the persons whose names remained in the box, 
were to nominate twelve or eight, (according to the number eventually 
to be elected,) from which number the election was to be made by 
ballot. The nominators were obliged solemnly to declare before the 
Sheritf that they would not name any one known to them to have been 
guilty, for a year previous, of drunkenness, lewdness, or any such im- 
morality, or who should be insolvent or a fool. 

Art. IV. A quorum of the Council was to consist of half of the pro- 
prietaries, or their proxies, and half of the freemen ; the votes of half 
the proprietaries and two-thirds of the freemen being necessary to pass 
a law. 

Art. V. For the constant government of the province, a Common 
Council was to be created, — composed of the proprietaries and twelve 
freemen to be balloted for out of the Great Council, — to act with the 
Governor. 

Art. VI. All laws were to be published in the name of the " Gover- 
nor, Proprietors, and Representatives of the Freemen of the Province;" 
and to be signed by the Deputy Governor, Secretary, two Proprietors, 
and two Freemen. 

Art. VII. The Concessions of the former Proprietaries relating to 
bearing arms, &c., were modified so as not to have them obligatory 
upon those who conscientiously considered themselves prohibited from 
the use of weapons : " Among the present proprietors there being seve- 
ral that declare they have no freedom to defend themselves with arms." 

Arts. VIII. and IX. The appointment of Secretary, Register, Trea- 
surer, Surveyor General, Mar-shal, Sheriffs, Judges and Justices of the 
Peace, was confided to the Common Council and Governor ; excepting 
the magistrates, &c., of Boroughs, who were to be appointed in accord- 
ance with the directions of the Great Council. 

Art. X. The power of pardoning to be exercised only by the assent- 
ing votes of eighteen proprietaries. 

Art. XI. The proprietaries might vote in both Councils by proxy. 

Art. XII. Proprietaries holding offices of trust only allowed to sit 
in the Councils by proxy. 

Art. XIII. One-fourth of a propriety must be held to allow the per- 
son to retain his right of government. 

Art. XIV. In all civil and ordinary actions, the proprietaries were 
to be liable to prosecution and punishment as all other persons, but for 
capital offences they were to be tried by twelve of their own body, or 
their proxies ; the bill of indictment being first found against them by a 



206 NOTES. 

grand jury of twelve proprietaries and twelve freemen chosen by 
ballot. 

Art. XV. No proprietary was to hold more than one twenty-fourth 
of the province. 

Art. XVI. Freedom of religious opinion was guarantied to all ac- 
knowledging one Almighty and Eternal God, and none to be compelled 
to frequent or maintain any religious worship, place, or minister ; faith 
in Christ being made a necessary qualification for membership of either 
Council. This religious liberty, however, was not to extend to the avowal 
of atheism, or irreligiousness, or to those who indulged in the practice 
of profanity, drunkenness, lewdness, murdering or any kind of violence, 
or " indulgence of stage plays, masks, revels," &c. 

Art. XVII. After 1685 no person was to hold more than one office. 

Art. XVIII. A registry for charters, rights, marriages, births, bu- 
rials, servants, &c., was to be established. 

Art. XIX. Trial by jury was guarantied. Before the complaint of 
any person could be received, he should solemnly declare in court that 
he believed in his conscience his cause to be just. A court of appeals 
was established composed of four proprietaries and four freemen, the 
Governor to be President of it pro tern. 

Art. XX. Marriages not forbidden by the law of God might be 
solemnized, with the knowledge of parents or guardians and public no- 
tice, in the presence of creditable witnesses, " by taking one another as 
husband and wife," and filing a proper certificate of it, signed by the 
parties and witnesses, with the Register. 

Art. XXI. A solemn promise to speak the truth, was to be required 
from witnesses testifying in courts of justice. 

Art. XXII. Fourteen years' possession to give an unquestionable 
title to lands, excepting against infants, lunatics, &c.; and estates for- 
feited for treason to the croivn of England^ or to the province, might be 
redeemed by the nearest of kin in two months after the death of the 
criminal, with not more than one hundred pounds, nor less than five 
pounds, as the Great Council might decide, &c. 

Art. XXIII. No law to be in force more than fifty years — " to avoid 
an innumerable multitude of statutes " — excepting the " fundamental 
constitutions," which were not to be repealed except with the approba- 
tion of twenty-two proprietaries and sixty-six out of seventy-two, or 
one hundred and thirty-two out of one hundred and forty-four freemen. 

Art. XXIV. The Governor, members of the Councils, and other of- 
ficers, before they entered upon their duties, were solemnly to promise 
and subscribe to be true and faithful to the King of England and to the 
proprietaries, and faithfully to perform their duties. 



NOTES, 



207 



Note S, page 103. 

As the publication referred to in the text, was influential in indu- 
cing emigration to East Jersey, and is now only to be met with in 
Smith's History, it is thought advisable to reprint it here ; as it is one of 
the earliest published descriptions of the province. 



" A Brief Account of the province of East Jersey in America, 
published by the present proprietors, for information of all such persons 
who are or may be inclined to settle themselves, families and servants 
in that country. A. D. 1682." 

" To say any thing in the praise, or much in the description of a coun- 
try so well known, would seem needless. The late accounts and descrip- 
tions of the adjacent countries, West Jersey and Pennsylvania, which 
are much of the same nature, &c., might suffice ; but considering that 
in foreign colonies, yea, here in England, every particular county 
has some excellency in soil, product or situation, that affect and delight 
many persons beyond the places adjacent, we may for the satisfaction 
of such, give some brief account thereof 

First. This province or colony lies between thirty-nine and forty- 
one degrees of latitude, being about twelve degrees more to the south 
than the city of London ; and is bounded south-east by the main sea, 
east by that vast navigable stream called Hudson's river, which divides 
this from the province of New York ; west by a line of division, which 
separates this province from West Jersey ; and south upon the main 
land ; and extends itself in length on the sea coast, and along Hudson's 
river, one hundred English miles, and upwards. 

Second. The conveniency of situation, temperature of air, and fer- 
tility of soil, is such, that there no less than seven considerable towns, 
viz., Shrewsbury, Middletown, Bergen, Newark, Elizabethtown, Wood- 
bridge and Piscataway ; which are well inhabited by a sober and indus- 
trious people, who have necessary provisions for themselves and fami- 
lies, and for the comfortable entertainment of strangers and travellers ; 
and this colony is experimentally found generally to agree with English 
constitutions. 

Third. For navigation, it hath these advantages, not only to be 
situate along the navigable part of Hudson's river, but lies also fifty 
miles on the main sea ; and near the midst of this province is that noted 
bay for ships, within Sandy Hook, very well known not to be inferior to 
any harbour in America, where ships not only harbour in greatest 
storms, but there ride safe with all winds, and sail in and out thence as 
well in winter as summer. 



208 NOTES. 

Fourth. For fishery, the Sea Banks there are very well stored with 
variety of fish for not only such as are profitable for transportation, but 
such also as are fit for food there, as whales, cod-fish, cole and hake 
fish, large mackerell, and also many other sorts of flat and small fish. 
The bay also, and Hudson's river, are plentifully stored with sturgeon, 
great bass, and other scale fish, eels and shell fish, as oysters, &c., in 
great plenty, and easy to take. 

Fifth. The country is also plentifully supplied with lovely springs, 
rivulets, inland rivers and creeks, which fall into the sea and Hudson's 
river ; in which is also much plenty and variety of fresh fish and water- 
fowl. 

Sixth. There is great plenty of oak timber, fit for shipping, and 
masts for ships, and other variety of wood, like the adjacent colonies, 
as chesnut, walnut, poplar, cedar, ash, fir, &c., fit for building within 
the country. 

Seventh. The land or soil (as in other places,) varies in goodness 
and richness, but generally fertile ; and with much smaller labour than 
in England it produceth plentiful crops of all sorts of English grain, 
besides Indian corn, which the English planters find not only to be of 
vast increase, but very wholesome and good in its use ; it also produ- 
ceth good flax and hemp, which they now spin and manufacture into 
linen cloth. There is sufficient meadow and marsh to their upland ; and 
the very barrens there as they are called, are not like some in England ; 
but produce grass fit for grazing cattle in summer season. 

Eighth. The country is well stored with wild deer, conies, and wild 
fowl of several sorts, as turkeys, pigeons, partridges, plover, quails, wild 
swans, geese, ducks, &c. in great plenty ; it produceth variety of good 
and delicious fruits, as grapes, plums, mulberries, and also apricots, 
peaches, pears, apples, quinces, water melons, &c., which are here in 
England planted in orchards and gardens ; these, as also many other 
fruits, which come not to perfection in England, are the more natural 
product of this country. 

Ninth. There is also already great store of horses, cows, hogs, and 
some sheep, which may be bought at reasonable prices, with English 
monies or English commodities ; or man's labour, where money and 
goods are wanting. 

Tenth. What sort of mines or minerals are in the bowels of the 
earth, after time must produce, the inhabitants not having yet employed 
themselves in search thereof 5 but there is already a smelting furnace 
and forge set up in this colony, where is made good iron, which is of 
great benefit to the country. 

Eleventh. It is exceedingly well furnished with safe and conveni- 
ent harbours for shipping, which is of great advantage to that country, 
and affords already for exportation, great plenty of horses, and also 



NOTES. 2Q9 

beef, pork, pipe staves, boards, bread, flour, wheat, barley, rye, Indian 
corn, butter and cheese, which they export to Barbadoes, Jamaica, Ne- 
vis, and other adjacent Islands, as also to Portugal, Spain, the Cana- 
ries, &c. Their whale oil and whale finns, beaver, mink, and raccoon 
and martin skins, (which this country produceth,) they transport for 
England. 

Twelfth. The situation and soil of the country may invite many 
who are inclined to transport themselves into those parts oi" America : 
for, 

1. It being considerably peopled, and situate on the sea coast, with 
convenient harbours, and so near adjacent to the province of New York 
and Long Island, being also well peopled colonies, may be proper for 
merchants, tradesmen, and navigators. 

2. Its likewise proper for such who are inchned to fishery, the 
whole coast and very harbours' moutlis being fit for it, which has been 
no small use to the New England people, and may here be carried on 
also with great advantage. 

3. For its soil, its proper for all industrious husbandmen, and such, 
who by hard labour here, on rack rents, are scarce able to maintain 
themselves, much less to raise any estate for their children, may, with 
God's blessing on their labours, there live comfortably, and provide well 
for their families. 

4. For carpenters, brick-layers, masons, smiths, mill-wrights, and 
wheel-wrights, bakers, tanners, taylors, Aveavers, shoemakers, hatters, 
and [all or most handicrafts, where their labour is much more valued 
than in these parts, and provisions much cheaper. 

5. And chiefly for such of the above mentioned or any other, who 
upon sohd grounds and weighty considerations, are inclined in their 
minds to go into those parts ; without which their going there cannot be 
comfortable, or answer their expectation. 

J Thirteenth. The Indian natives in this country are but few compar- 
ative to the neighbouring colonies ; and those that are there, are so far 
from being formidable or injurious to the planters and inhabitants, that 
they are really serviceable and advantagious to the English, not onlj- 
in hunting and taking the deer and other wild creatures, and catching 
of fish and fowl fit for food, in their seasons, but in the killing and de- 
stroying of bears, wolves, foxes, and other vermine and peltry, whose 
skins and furs they bring the English, and sell at less price than the 
value of time an Englishman must spend to take them. 

Fourteenth. As for the constitutions of the country, they were made 
anno dom 1664, and in the time of John Lord Berkely, and George 
Carteret, the late proprietors thereof; in which such provision was made 
for liberty in matters of religion, and property in their estates ; that un- 
der the terms thereof, that colony has been considerably peopled, and 

14 



210 



NOTES. 



that much from tlie adjacent countries, where they have not onlj'- for 
many years enjoyed their estates, according to the concessions ; but 
also an uninterrupted exercise of their particular persuasions in matters 
of religion ; And we the present proprietors do determine, so soon as any 
persons here in England, or elsewhere, are willing to be engaged with 
us, we shall be ready and desirous to make such further additions and 
supplements to the said constitution, as shall be thought fit, for the en- 
couragement of all planters and adventurers, and for the further settling 
the said colony with a sober and industrious people. 

Fifteenth. Having with all possible brevity, given an account of 
the country, we shall say something as to the disposition of lands 
there. 

1. Our purpose is, if the Lord permit, with all convenient expedi- 
tion to erect and build one principal town ; which by reason of sit- 
uation, must in all probability be the most considerable for merchan- 
dise trade, and fishery, in those parts ; it is designed to be placed upon 
a neck or point of rich land called Ambo Point, lying on Raritan river, 
and pointing to Sandy Hook bay, and near adjacent to the place where 
ships in that great harbour commonly ride at anchor ; a scheme of which 
is already drawn, and those who shall desire to be satisfied therewith 
may treat for a share thereof. 

2. As for encouragement of servants, &c., we allow the same 
privileges as were provided in the concessions at first. 

3. Such who are desirous to purchase any land in this province 
free from all charge, and to pay down their purchase moneys here, for 
any quantities of acres ; or that desire to take up lands there, upon any 
small quit rents, to be reserved ; shall have grants to them and their 
heirs on moderate and reasonable terms. 

4. Those who are desirous to transport themselves into those parts 
before the purchase, if any thing there present to their satisfaction, we 
doubt not but the terms of purchase will be so moderate, equal, and en- 
courao-ing, that may engage them to settle in that colony. 

Our purpose being with all possible expedition to dispatch persons 
thither, with whom they may treat ; and who shall have our full power 
in the premises. 

As for passage to this province, ships are going hence the whole 
year about, as well in winter as summer, Sandy Hook bay being never 
frozen. The usual price is five pounds per head, as well masters as 
servants, who are above ten years of age, all under ten years and not 
children at the breast, pay fifty shillings ; sucking children pay nothing ; 
carriage of goods is usually forty shillings per ton, and sometimes less, 
as we can agree ; the cheapest and chiefest time of the year for pas- 
sage, is from midsummer till the latter end of September, when many 
Virginia and Maryland ships are going out of England into those parts ; 



NOTES. 



211 



and snch who take then their voyage, arrive usually in good time to 
plant corn sufficient for next summer. 

The goods to be carried there are, first, for people's own use, all 
sorts of apparel and household stuff", and also utensils for husbandry and 
building : secondly, linen and woollen cloths and stuffs, fitting for ap- 
parel, &c., which are fit for merchandize and truck there in the country, 
and that to good advantage for the importer, of which further account 
will be given to the enquirer. 

Lastly. Although this country, by reason of its being already con- 
siderably inhabited, may afford many conveniences to strangers, of 
which unpeopled countries are destitute, as lodging, victualing, &c., 
yet all persons inclining into those parts must know, that in their settle- 
ment there they will find their exercises ; they must have there winter 
as well as summer, they must labour before they reap, and, till their 
plantations be cleared (in summer time) they must expect (as in all 
those countries) the musketos, flies, gnats, and such like, may in hot 
and fair weather, give them some disturbance, where people provide 
not against them, which as land is cleared are less troublesome. 

And all such persons who desire to be concerned, may repair to 
Thomas Rudyard or Benjamin Clark, in George Yard, in Lombard 
street; where they may view the constitutions, the scheme of the in- 
tended town, the map of the country, and treat in terms of purchase. 
William Penn, Robert West, Thomas Rudyard, Samuel Groome, 
Thomas Hart, Richard Mew, Thomas Willcocks, Ambrose Rigg,- John 
Heywood, Hugh Hartshorne, Clement Plumstead, Thomas Cooper, 
are the present proprietors of East Jersey ; but their purpose is to take 
in twelve persons more, to make up the number of proprietors twenty- 
four. 

Proposals by the proprietors of East Jersey, in America, for the 
building of a town on Ambo Point, and for the disposition of lands in 
that province ; and also for encouragement of artificers and labourers 
that shall transport themselves thither out of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland. 

Forasmuch as Ambo Point, is a sweet, wholesome, and delightful 
place, proper for trade, by reason of its commodious situation, upon a 
safe harbour, being likewise accommodated with a navigable river, and 
fresh water, and hath by many persons of the greatest experience, and 
best judgment, been approved for the goodness of the air, soil, and sit- 
uation. 

We, the proprietors, purpose by the help of Almighty God, with all 
convenient speed, to build a convenient town, for merchandise, trade 
and fishery, on Ambo Point ; and because persons that hath a desire 
to plant there, may not be disappointed for want of proposals, we, the 
proprietors, offer these following : 



212 NOTES. 

First. We intend to divide fifteen hundred acres of land upon Am- 
bo Point, into one hundred and fifty lots ; which lots shall consist of ten 
acres the lot ; one hundred of the lots we are willing to sell here, and 
fifty we reserve for such as are in America, and have long desired to 
settle there. 

Secondly. The price of each lot will be fifteen pounds sterling to 
such who purchase before the 25th of December, 1682 ; and to such 
who purchase afterwards, before the 25th of December, 1683, twenty 
pounds sterling. 

Thirdly. Every lot is to be as equally divided as the goodness of 
the place doth require, and the situation can admit. 

Fourthly. The most convenient spot of ground for a town, shall be 
divided into one hundred and fifty equal shares, and set out into streets, 
according to rules of art ; and no person shall be preferred before 
another in choice ; whether purchaser or proprietor. 

Fifthly. We reserve four acres for a market place, town house, &c., 
and three acres, for public wharfage. 

Sixthly. Each purchaser is obliged to build a dwelling house in the 
place designed for the town, and to clear three acres of upland, in three 
years, or else the proprietors to be reinstated in such lots wherein de- 
fault is made, repaying the purchase money. 

Seventhly. We the proprietors do within a year, hope, by God's 
assistance, to build for each of us, one house upon Ambo Point ; which 
we intend shall stand in an orderly manner, according to the best and 
most convenient model, and in pursuance of the design of the proposi- 
tions abovesaid. 

Eio-hthly. And for the encouragement of carpenters, joiners, brick 
and tile makers, bricklayers, masons, sawyers, and labourers of all sorts, 
who are willing to go and employ themselves and servants, in helping 
to clear ground, and build houses upon the general account of and for 
the proprietors. 

The said proprietors will engage to find them work, and current pay 
for the same, in money or clothes, and provisions of which there is 
plenty (as beef, pork, corn, &c.,) according to the market price at New- 
York during the space of one year at least, next after the 25th of 
December 1682 ; in which time, (through God's blessing and their 
industry,) they may have got wherewith to buy cows, horses, hogs, and 
other goods, to stock that land, which they in the mean time may take 
up according to the concessions ; neither shall such persons pay rent 
for their said land, so long as they are employed in the proprietors' work ; 
and their wages shall at all times be so much as other such artificers 
and labourers, in the said province usually have ; nor shall they be 
oblio-ed to work for the proprietors longer than they find encouragement 
60 to do. 



I 



NOTES. gi3 

Ninthly. And for the more ready and certain employing those 
workmen and labourers that shall transport themselves to East Jersey, 
this is to let all labourers and persons that shall transport themselves 
know, they must upon their arrival upon that place, repair to the register 
of the above said province, and enter themselves according to their res- 
pective qualities and designs, and thereupon they shall be entered into 
the service and pay of the proprietors. 

FOR DISPOSITION OF LAND IN EAST JERSEY. 

The governor of East Jersey, by and with the advice of his council, is 
to direct that all lands to be set and laid out for counties, tribes, cities, or 
parishes, according to the general concessions of the said province, be 
bounded and set in manner following, viz. : That all such lands be divi- 
ded into seven equal lots or parts ; one of which seven parts is to be first 
set out by lot for the use of tlie proprietors ; and the other six parts to 
be taken up according to the following concessions : 

First. That the planting of the said province may be the more 
effectually promoted, We do hereby grant unto all persons who shall 
transport themselves, their wives or children, unto East Jersey, and 
settle there according to the following concessions, by the 25th of De- 
cember, 1684, twenty-five acres of land for each head, whether wife, 
child, or servant, which servant shall be bound to serve the term of 
three years at least within the said province ; and for every such master 
of a family, fifty acres ; the said persons so imported are to be registered 
in the secretary's book of entries, to be kept for that purpose, and the 
imported to pay to the secretary for fees of attending that service, and 
entering them, twelve pence each head ; and every servant, male or 
female, who shall be so imported and registered by the twenty-fifth of 
December, 1684, shall, at the expiration of that time, have liberty to take 
up the quantity of thirty acres for their own use ; and all the aforesaid 
importers, and persons imported, who are hereby allowed to take up 
land, shall have and enjoy the same, under the terms and concessions 
following : 

Secondly. Forasmuch as this province is already considerably peo- 
pled and improved, (there being seven towns at least already settled 
upon it by English people,) and that no person is constrained by our 
concessions, to take up and pay ior land which is barren and unprofita- 
ble ; nor can it be reasonably supposed, that people should in this prov- 
ince, be now exposed to the like hazards and difficulties that others 
must look to meet with in those plantations that are less inhabited and 
more remote, and for situation by sea and land, not so commodiously 
placed for trade : Therefore we think it very reasonable and moderate, 
that all and every person and persons, shall have his and their respec- 
tive quantities of land set out at two pence an acre, yearly rent, to be 



214 NOTES. 

paid into our receiver's office, either in money sterling, or in such com- 
modities as the growth of trade of the province affords at the merchants' 
price there ; but whosoever is wiUing to buy off his yearly rent, and be- 
come a freeholder, may so do, paying after the rate of twelve years 
purchase, which comes to fifty shillings for a lot of twenty-five acres, and 
so paying after the same rate for a greater or less quantity. 

Thirdly. And forasmuch as it will be most commodious for 
planters to live together, whereby they may be a meet help to each 
other ; It is ordered that all the purchasers and takers up of land, shall 
sit down by some village or township already laid, out, or to be laid out 
hereafter, in the said province, and having chosen the village or township, 
which shall be most convenient and profitable for their business, the 
surveyor general shall set forth to the said persons, such quantity of 
lands, to them granted out of the aforesaid six parts, which are not then 
taken up ; they paying to the said surveyor general, the usual rate of 
surveying in the said province ; and if any person going or sending 
over, is willing to have a greater parcel of land than twenty-five acres, 
he may purchase, but not more than one hundred acres ; he paying 
down, at the sealing of his grant, for the same, after the rate of ten 
pounds by the hundred acres ; and so more or less for a greater or 
lesser quantity. 

Fourthly. And if any person is willing to buy land, and yet for the 
present is not disposed to plant there ; he may so do, paying down here 
for his grant to the proprietors, according to the rate aforesaid. Pro- 
vided, that all those persons, who by these concessions shall take up 
land, be enjoined to build one dwelling house, on some part of their 
land, within the space of seven years, next after the 25th of December, 
1682 ; and in case of default, one half of their land to return back to 
the proprietors. 



Note T, page 107. 

Governor Dongan was accused by the Scotch proprietors of endea- 
vouring to subvert their authority in East Jersey, but appears to have 
exonerated himself from the charge, exceptmg so far as a recommen- 
dation of a change of government went. The correspondence between 
them is in the New York Colonial Papers, and as it serves to throw some 
light upon the history of that period, it is here given as it appears in 
Chalmers' Annals. 

Letter from three Jersey Proprietors to Governor Dongan. 
" Sir — We did promise ourselves in you a good and kind neighbour 
both judging you would have so inclined to a colony wherein we are so 



NOTES. 215 

much concerned, and that the regard you have to your master's honor 
and interest would have ohUged you to it ; considering we are such as 
have the happiness to claim an interest in his favor. 

" We have discoursed with his commissioners at London of those 
things that were hy you proposed in relation to the bringing our colon} 
under the government of New York, and doubt not but we have con- 
vinced them of the reason which induced us not to yield to such a pro- 
posal : and we doubt not both the Duke and they are fully convinced of 
our right in every respect, both of government, ports, and harbors, free- 
trade, and navigation. And, having conversed with the Duke, we 
found him very just and to abhor the thoughts of allowing any thing to 
be done contrary to what he hath past under his hand and seal ; and we 
persuade ourselves you will lay aside all thoughts of attempting what 
may reflect upon the justice or honor of your master, or may give us 
just reason to complain; since there shall be nothing wanting on our 
part that may tend to any advantageous correspondence ; which, as we 
expect from you, so shall be seriously recommended by us to our agents 
and always entertained by your assured friends and servants. 

PERTH, 
GEO. McKENZIE, 

" Edinburgh, 22d August 1684. " DRUMMOND." 



Governor Dongan's Answer. 

"My HONORED Lord — I had the honor of a letter from you and some 
other proprietors of East Jersey, and am mightily surprised to find that 
I am accused to act some things to the disadvantage of your colony and 
dishonor of my master : did I know my accusers and the crime objected 
I could be better able to answer. 

" Your Lordship may believe me, I have acted nothing unjustly to the 
prejudice of your agents or people : so far from it that, when I found 
them take wrong measures I advised them for the best, as 1 thought, 
both for the proprietors and people. What complaints they make of me 
I know not, but am sure the people cry out very much against them. 
What I wrote to his royal highness and his commissioners as his servant 
I was certainly obhged to, and to give my opinion what is convenient 
for the interest of this province ; and I believe, had your Lordship been 
in my station, you would have represented the great inconveniency of 
having two distinct governments upon one river ; yours having the ad- 
vantage of being some leagues nearer the sea than we are. 

" Your agents have dispersed printed papers, to the disturbance of tlic 
inhabitants of Staten Island, which hath been in possession of his royal 
highness above twenty years, (except the little time the Dutch had it.) 



216 



NOTES. 



purchased by Governor Lovelace of the Indians in the time of Sir 
George Carteret, without any pretences, till your agents made claim of 
it. It is peopled with above two hundred families.' To convince your 
Lordship that I have done nothing amiss in writing how convenient it 
would be to regain East Jersey, I do assure you that some of the pro- 
prietors themselves are of the same opinion, and have told me so. And 
to shew your Lordship how favorably I act, I am informed that, in the 
time of other governors, ships that came to Amboy made entry at New 
York, yet during my time, several ships have gone thither and I have 
desired no such thing, nor will I, till I am assured of his royal high- 
nesses pleasure. It shall not be my fault if there be not an advanta- 
geous correspondence. 

" I had almost forgot to tell your Lordship, that to the end a fair cor- 
respondence may be preserved between these governments, in an act 
lately made by the assembly, amongst other things, almost equal privi- 
leges were allowed to East Jersey with this province, and all the thanks 
I have is to be misrepresented, who will always endeavor to prove that 
I am 

THO: D0NGAN."2 

" New York, 13th February 1684-5." 

The exact purport of the suggestions made by Dongan, referred to 
in this correspondence, has not been ascertained ; it is presumed how- 
ever to have been similar to that of those made subsequently; to which, 
as they evidently had an influence on after events, reference will here 
be made. 

Sir John Werden, in a letter to Governor Dongan, under date of 
August 27th, 1684, writes as follows : " You say Captain Billop will sell 



' Reference to the E. J. Records, A. 
p. 2, will show that Lady Elizabeth Car- 
teret directed Secretary Bollen, March 
28th, 1681, to present a claim for this 
island. " You are to Lay Claim to Stat- 
en Island as belonging to Us according 
to his Royal! Highnesses Grant." Al- 
though always in the possession of New 
York, the question of jurisdiction re- 
mained a mooted point until 1836, when 
the water boundary between the two 
states was settled by commission. Sir 
John Werden, writing to Governor Don- 
gan, November 1, 1684, says, " Staten 
Island without doubt belongs to the 



Duke, for if Sir George Carteret had had 
a right to it that would have been long 
since determined." 

* Chalmers conjectures that this 
answer, indicating too much lukewarm- 
ness in the Duke's service, tended to 
Dongan's recall through the use made of 
it by his opponents ; but it is more proba- 
ble his being superseded was owing to 
an idea entertained by James that he 
wanted zeal for his religion, in not ren- 
dering the Roman Catholic faith as pro- 
minent in the province as was desirable. 
(See Grahame's U. S. and Dunlap's New 
York) 



NOTES. 



217 



his plantation on Staten Island,' and if he does, certainly 'tis best that 
you endeavor to procure some inhabitant of New York ratlier to buy it 
than sulTer any of those of New Jersey to do it ; but whoever buys land 
in that island, it being under your government, he must be liable (as 
well as others) to the laws thereof." 

Extract of a letter from Governor Dongan to Sir John Werden, 
dated February 18th, 1684-5. " Billop's plantation is opposite to Amboy, 
and, if vessels be permitted to come there and not enter at New York, 
it will be impossible to hinder putting goods ashore on Staten Island. 
There was a report that he intended to sell it to one of East Jersey. I 
think it would do well if you please to look into the last patent of East 
Jersey to see whether shipping be obliged if they come into Sandy 
Hook to make entry at New York. The Quakers making continual 
pretensions to Staten Island, disturbs the people ; more than two hun- 
dred families are settled on it ; and in case His Royal Highness cannot 
retrieve East Jersey, it will do well to secure Hudson's River and take 
away all claim to Staten Island :" and he suggests the running of the 
line from the Hudson to the Delaware, in order that the Indians may 
be prohibited from crossing it in order to trade with the settlers in East 
Jersey. 

Two years thereafter, on the 22d February, 1686-7, the Governor 
wrote to the Lord President of Council, suggesting again the re-annexa- 
tion of East Jersey in order that his government might support itself; 
and as it shows the views of the New York government respecting the 
province, the following statement sent by him under the same date in 
answer to some inquiries propounded, is given at length from the New- 
York Papers ; 

" As for East Jersey, it being situated on the other side of Hudson's 
river, and between us, and where the river disembogues itself into the 
sea ; paying no customs and having likewise the advantage of having 
better land, and most of the settlers there out of this government, we 
are like to be divested of a great many of our merchants who intend to 
settle there, if not annexed to this government. Last year two or three 
ships came in there, with goods, and I am sure that that country cannot, 
— no not with the help of West Jersey, consume one thousand pounds 
in goods in two years, so that the rest of these goods must have been 
run into this government without paying his Majesty's customs, and in- 
deed there is no possibility of preventing it. And as for beaver and 
peltry it is impossible to hinder its being carried thither, the Indians 
value not the length of their journey, so as they can come to a good 

' There is a tradition that Billop re- Island,) as a douceur from the Duke of 
ceived this plantation (extending origi- York for his gallantry in some naval 
nally over a large portion of Staten engagement. 



218 NOTES. 

market, which those people can better afford them than we, they pay- 
ing no custom nor excise inwards or outwards. 

" Another inconveniency by the government's remaining as it does, 
is, that privateers and others, can come within Sandy Hook and take 
what provisions and goods they please from that side. Also, very often 
ships bound to this place, break bulk there and run their goods into 
that colony, with intent afterwards to import the same privately and at 
more leisure into this province notwithstanding their oath, they saving 
themselves with this evasion, that that place is not in this government. 
To day an interloper landed five tun and one half of teeth there. To 
prevent all which inconveniences and for the securing of this place from 
enemies, I desire to have an order to make up a small fort with twelve 
guns upon Sandy Hook. The channel there being so near the shore 
that no vessel can go in nor out, but she must come so near the point 
that from on board one might toss a biscuit-cake on shore. 

" If the Proprietors would rightly consider it they would find it their 
own interest that that place should be annexed to this government, for 
they are at a greater charge for maintaining the present government 
than the whole profit of the Province (which is by quit rent) will 
amount unto ; for they are at the whole charge, the country allowing 
nothing towards its support, so that had they not the charge of the 
government they might put that money into their own pockets. 

" And indeed to make Amboy a port will be no less inconvenient, for 
the reasons aforementioned, neighboring colonies being not come to 
that perfection, but that one port may sufficiently serve us all. We in 
this government look upon that bay that runs into the sea at Sandy 
Hook to be Hudson river, therefore, there being a clause in my in- 
structions directing me that I cause all vessels that come into Hudson's 
river to enter at New York, I desire to know whether his Majesty in- 
tends thereby those vessels that come within Sandy Hook, the people 
of East Jersey pretending a right to the river so far as the province 
extends, which is eighteen miles up the river to the northward of this 
place. 

" West Jersey's remaining as it does, will be no less inconvenient to 
this government for the same reasons as East Jersey: they both 
making but one neck of land, and that so near situate to us that 'tia 
more for their convenience to have commerce here than anywhere else, 
and under these circumstances, that if there were a war either with Chris- 
tians or Indians, they would be able to defend themselves without the 
assistance of this government. To be short, there is an absolute neces- 
sity those provinces, and that of Connecticut be annexed." 

In September, 1687, he again alludes to the subject, — and in the 
March previous the city of New York, in an address to the King, pe- 
titioned for tlie annexation. 



NOTES. 219 

It is probable that Dongan's first movement in the matter was 
prompted by memorials presented to him by the Mayor and Council o^ 
New York, in February and March, 1684, complaining of the injurious 
effect the vicinity of East Jersey had upon the affairs of the city : and 
praying that it might be annexed "by purchase or otherwise.'" 



Note U, page 138. 

The following is the proclamation referred to in the body of the 
work: 

" By the Governor. A Proclamation. 

" It being very necessary for the good and prosperity of this Province 
that our principal care be in obedience to the laws of God and the 
wholesome laws of this province, to endeavour, as much as in us lyeth, 
the extirpation of all sorts of looseness and prophanity, and to unite and 
join in the fear and love of God and of one another, that by the reli- 
gious and virtuous carriage and behaviour of every one in his respec- 
tive station and calling, all heats and animosities and dissensions may 
vanish, and the blessing of Almighty God accompany our honest and 
lawful endeavours, and that we may join our affections in the true sup- 
port of his majesty's government over us, who has so often and so 
generously exposed his royal person to iminent dangers to reduce us 
from the growing power of popery and arbitrary government, and hath 
by a singular blessing attending his endeavours, procured our deliver- 
ance and a happy and honorable peace, and is a great example and 
encourager of religion and virtuous living : 

" I have therefore thought fit, by and with the advice of the council 
of this province of East Jersey, strictly to prohibit all inhabitants and 
sojourners within this province, from cursing, swearing, immoderate 
drinking, sabbath breaking, and all sorts of lewdness and prophane be- 
haviour in word or action, and for the true and effectual performance 
hereof I do by and with the advice aforesaid, strictly charge and com- 
mand all Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, Constables, and all other offi- 
cers within this province, that they take due care that all the laws made 
and provided for the suppressing of vice and encouraging of religion 
and virtue, particularly the observation of the Lord's day, be duly put 
in execution, as they will answer the contrary at their peril. 

' Dunlap's N Y. II. app. p. 132. 



220 NOTES. 

"Given under the seal of said province this eighth day of April, 
Anno Dom. 1698, in the tenth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord 
William the third, over England, &c.. King. 

J. BASSE." 
" By the Governor's command, 

JOHN BARCLAY. D6p. Sec'y and Reg'r. " 



Note V, page 141. 

As the law referred to in the text may be considered as embodying 
the views of the people as to the kind of government which would best 
conduce to their happiness, a synopsis of it is here given. 

The title is, " An Act declaring what are the rights and privileges 
of His Majesty's subjects inhabiting within the province of East Jer- 
sey." 

The supreme legislative power, vmder the King, to be in a Gov- 
ernor, Council, and the people by their chosen representatives in 
General Assembly. 

The executive power to be in the Governor, or in his absence the 
Deputy Governor, with the advice of three or more of his Council; — or 
should both Governor and Deputy be absent, in four of the Council, the 
first in nomination to preside, — the authority exercised to be according to 
the fundamental laws of England and the laws of the province. 

The representatives to be freeholders, chosen annually by free- 
holders. 

The General Assembly to meet annually, and to be composed of a 
majority of the representatives, the Council, and the Governor, or his 
Deputy ; whose concurrent voices could make or repeal all laws. 

The laws were to conform to the laws of England. 

The public records to be kept at Amboy, and deeds were to be at- 
tested in a manner prescribed. 

The General Assembly to constitute all courts save those of chan- 
cery. 

None but resident freeholders eligible to office, excepting that of 
Secretary and Register. 

Sheriffs were to continue in office only one year, and then to be in- 
eligible for three years. 



NOTES. 



221 



The Judges of the Courts of Common Right were not to be Judges 
of Courts of Chancery. 

No person allowed to serve in any office until he should have taken 
the prescribed oaths. 

The members of Assembly and their servants not to be subject to 
arrest, &c., (for high treason and felony excepted,) during the sessions 
of that body, or while going to or from the place of meeting. 

In case of the death or removal of a Representative, the Governor to 
i.ssue his writ for a new election. 

The apportionment of representatives to be as follows : 

Bergen County, ^ g^f "' ■.-.■. I 

— 3 

C Acquacanonk and New Barbadoes, 2 

Essex County, } Newark, ... 2 

I Elizabethtown, . . .2 

— 6 
f Woodbridge, . . 2 

Middlesex County, } Piscataway, . . .2 

( Perth Amboy, . . 2 

— 6 
C Middletown, ... 2 

Monmouth County, ■? Shrewsbury, . . .2 

( Freehold, ... 2 

— 6 
Somerset County, ..... 1 

22 
and as many more as the Governor and Council should think proper. 

No estates of a feme covert to be sold or conveyed, unless by deed 
duly acknowledged. 

Wills were to have three witnesses, proved and registered within 
sixty days after the testator's death, and executors were liable to fine 
for neglect. 

No freeman should be compelled to fight, or to be pressed to go out 
of his own county, "much less out of the province," in time of war or 
peace, unless in case of a sudden invasion or by special act of Assem- 
bly. 

No soldiers were to be billeted upon the inhabitants unless in time 
of war. 

No freeman to be imprisoned, &c., except by the judgment of his 
peers and the laws of the province. 

Martial law not to be exercised except upon officers and soldiers, in 
garrison and in pay, during actual war. 

Neither justice nor right was to be sold, denied, or delayed. 



222 NOTES. 

No one to be dispossessed of his land, «fec., excepting by due course 
of law. 

Trial by jury was to prevail in all cases. 

In all cases capital and criminal, a grand inquest of the county first 
to present the offence. 

No one professing faith in God by Jesus Christ, his only Son, to be 
called in question for difference of religious opinion, &c., provided that 
this should not extend to any of the Romish religion, to exercise their 
manner of worship, contrary to the laws and statutes of England. 

The provisions of the act were not to infringe the liberty or privi- 
leges of any grant or charter before given. — Grants and Concessions, 
p. 372. 



Note W, page 149. 

Extract from a despatch to Lord Bellamont from the Board of Trade, 
dated August 21, 1699. — From the New York Colonial Papers. 

" We told you in our letter of the 5th Jan'y last, the reason of our 
suspending awhile any further report about the Proprietors of East New 
Jersey's pretended right to a Port at Perth Amboy " [which was the 
necessity for consultation with the officers, from whom the proprietaries 
claimed to have received their authority] " and shall now explain to you 
a little more fully how that matter stands. The Proprietors of that 
province, thinking it seems they might have some advantage by com- 
plaint of your Lordships seizure of the Ship Hester, petitioned his 
Majesty upon that subject, which petition of theirs, being heard in Coun- 
cil the 9th of March last, was by his Majesty referred vmto our consider- 
ation, and we therefore send you here enclosed a copy of it with the 
order of Council thereupon. — Whilst we had that matter under consid- 
eration, those Proprietors laid before us also other memorials in which 
they offered some conditions, in order to compromise the dispute ; but 
such as we did no ways think it for his Majesty's service to accept of — 
And therefore upon the 18th of April last we laid before his Majesty 
another representation upon that subject. By that you will perceive the 
use we made of their proposal of a trial about the Port of Perth Amboy, 
by trying their right of government in the same question : a matter on 
which they are very tender, as being sensible of the weakness of their 
title — and we therefore thought it best to join both together. Hereupon 



NOTES. 223 

after long delays, and after having in vain endeavored in the name of 
the Proprietors of West New Jersey (who are for the most part the 
same persons) to draw us into a snare by desiring our opinions for the 
approbation of Mr. Hamilton to be Governor of West New Jersey, — that 
so our allowance of the one, might have been an argument for the other 
because their title to both is one and the same, — they have in the end laid 
before us certain proposals for the surrender of East New Jersey upon 
certain conditions.' But we have not yet thoroughly considered the 
same. However there appearing to us several obvious exceptions 
against what they propose, and great difficulties in settling the matter 
to their satisfaction and without prejudice to his Majesty's right and to 
the interest of the Province of New York, we are apt to think that busi- 
ness may hang yet some time longer in suspense. And therefore we 
send you here enclosed the copy of their said proposals, and desire your 
observations thereupon, how far any of them will be advantageous or 
disadvantageous to the province of New York. But in the mean while 
we can offer to your Lordship no other rule for your conduct towards 
those provinces both of East and West New Jersey than what his Ma- 
jesty has already given you." 



Note X, page 150. 

The following is the letter from Governor Hamilton, referred to in the 
text. — It was rescued from the rubbish of a garret, and has never 
been before printed. Its perusal cannot but excite regret that the 
despatches of the proprietary governors should have been lost.^ How 
this should have found its way back to East Jersey is not known. 

" Perth Ainboy, 1st June, 1700. 
" Worthy Gentlemen : — 

I am at a great loss for want of advice from you how far you have 
concerted the affair of the surrender, the people here proposing to them- 

' These proposals are printed in Register Book and Book of Orders for 

Smith's N. J. p. 5G0. the Governors and Proprietors, but thinks 

'■' At a meeting of the Board of Pro- it not advisable to part with them being 

prietors, April 11, 1767, a letter was other Peoples concerns." A Committee 

stated to have been received previously was appointed to apply through the agent 

from one Mrs. Margaret Bowles, dated of the province to Mr. Humphrey Bowles 

February 1st, 1738-9, in which she ac- or any other person for the book, but it 

knowledges " to have in her Custody the has never been obtained. 



224 NOTES. 

delves that they will be upon the level with you when the government 
is out of your hands, may purchase lands from the Indians as well as 
you and throw up their patents and hold by their Indian purchase. I 
say proposing these advantages to themselves (and there's no beating 
them out of it) they lay hold on any twig they think will attain their 
end. I send for your perusal a copy of a petition that the factious part 
of the people sent about to get hands to, and I send you my remarks 
upon it.' 

" I was in a mistake concerning Mr. Royse, he had an old patent 
which contains about 20000 acres, but because the stations were uncer- 
tain and the boundaries would not meet, he addressed the proprietors at 
home for a new patent, which he had and contains about 6000 acres, for 
which he was to pay £5 a year for the whole instead of the ^ per acre, 
and the proprietors forgetting to make him surrender his old patent he 
' now claims about 20000 acres by it, and so takes away upon Milstone 
River from Mr. Hart and on Raritan from Mr. Plumstead and Mr. Bar- 
ker considerable tracts of land, so that he uses both patents, the old one 
if he can, and the new one if the old fail him ; it was a great oversight. 
He is the ringleader of the troublesome sort of the people, and 'tis he that 
infuses the motive in them of holding by their Indian titles.^ If they 
have made any alterations in their petitions I know not ; but I believe 
it will be much to the same pnrpose ; but if the King give a counte- 
nance to a factious and a false petition to break your government, it 
will introduce ill precedents. 

" While the people propose to themselves such advantages by the gov- 
ernments being in the hands of the King, you cannot expect they'll raise 
money to defend it, nor any thing wherein they suppose you will share 
the advantage with them ; and therefore if the surrender is not com- 
pleted, a trial will be less expense, and whatever be the issue will vin- 
dicate you more than the surrender, lor instead of thanking you for the 
privileges you obtain, they will reproach you for receding from what 
they think their due. For instance, you propose that, upon the annexa- 
tion, the same number of counties continue, and by the same names, and 
that as many represent in General Assembly a county in East Jersey 
as they shall at New York ; and I perceive the Lords will allow but E. J. 
to be 1-6 of that Assembly, and should you consent to this proposition by 
charter, the people will curse you, for in York government two repre- 
sent a county, wherein E. J. being but 1-6 will be less than one to rep- 
resent a county ; and so will they cavil if the Port be precarious. 
Indeed I dont well see that their Lordships can retrench them, or a 

' This was probably the petition to leader (and we have no reason to doubt 
be found in Smith's N. J. p. 558. the governor's statement) we may well 

* If such were the character of the imagine the character of tlie followers. 



NOTES. 225 

charter tie them up to less than a just proportion.' I beseech you gen- 
tlemen without loss of time bring tilings to an issue, if they will not ad- 
vise the King to establish your Port by patent, and give the people a 
just proportion in the assembly you have a handsome retreat ; only this 
I must caution, you'll be forc'd to accept of a new charter to secure 
your land if it be allowed by council learn'd in the law that an Indian 
title be good tho' it is strange to me if it be, for if so, then the King's 
grant is of no benefit to the proprietors. But if you find the people will 
be forced to hold by their patents, the trial will clear you of imputa- 
tion. 

" Finding no hopes of raising money, I forbore calling our assembly 
till their own was to sit of course by an act passed in Mr. Basse's time, 
which is to meet yearly by proclamation the fourth tuesday of May ; and 
rather because the assembly of West Jersey was to sit on the 12th of 
the same month, and tliat the decency and order of that people might be 
of good example to them. I accordingly issued out proclamations in 
the fourth tuesday in May, and because several towns had not chosen 
I issued out writs to them to choose and to meet the said day. They 
accordingly met, and of the afternoon of that day the whole house came 
to me and the council. Capt. Bowne (as I Avas beginning to speak) told 
me that he was ordered by the representatives to ask by what authority 
I called them together. I told him he could very well have answered 
that point himself having heard my commission read upon my arrival. 
Mr. Royse asked if I had the approbation as the act directs. I told 
him that I was as much surprised to hear him ask that question, first 
that he had not scrupled that in Mr. Basse's time, believing that was the 
King's business to inquire into, not the people ; in which I told him he 
was in the right. 2d. For that he had upon my first coming heard me 
relate the several steps had been taken to obtain an approbation, and 
what obstructed it. But since he was not so just as to inform the rep- 
resentatives what he knew, that I would, and accordingly I related the 
whole steps that had been made and why it was not granted, viz., That to 
break their ports the crown had of late questioned the proprietors' right 
to government, looking on it as unaccountable to be a government and 
not allowed a port as all other distinct colonies in America are. That 
accordingly the Lords of trade, to whom the proprietors' petition was 
referred, had advised the King to consent to a trial in Westminster hall 

* These remarks refer to one of the peeted in pleasing the inhabitants, who 

proposals of the proprietaries containing were disposed to cavil at whatever they 

specific provisions to be inserted in the might do, which led to an unconditional 

act of surrender, which was submitted surrender. The proposals and reply of 

to the Lords in July, 1G69. It was pro- the Lords are ,in Smith's N. J., pp. 560 

bably the difficulty that might be ex- to 563. 

15 



226 NOTES. 

for their claim to both, which report was confirmed by the King, and 
referred to the Attorney General to direct the method of the trial. That, 
after the report, I had applied to the council of trade and told their Lord- 
ships that since they were pleased to scruple the proprietors' title to 
government, I should be unwilling to act under any commission their 
Lordships' should account unwarrantable, and thereby draw either my- 
self or the proprietors under any inconvenience. I acquainted the rep- 
resentatives that (being ordered to withdraw) I was a short time after 
called in, that the Lords were pleased to tell me that they questioned 
the proprietors' right to government, yet they did not intend that as an 
inhibition to the proprietors or a forbidding them to act further until the 
trial betwixt them and the King were issued, or that the terms of the 
surrender were concerted, being sensible that people could not be with- 
out government; and therefore if I acted according to the laws of Eng- 
land the proprietors would be sufficiently justifiable in commissioning 
me, and I safe to act under it, but that the granting an approbation was 
a recognizing the proprietors' title, and by consequence giving away 
what they accounted the King's right. 

'\I farther told the representatives that all of them were sensible that 
the proprietors did not set up a government at their own hand, but that 
the obedience of the inhabitants was first commanded by King Charles 
the 2nd_ that no King since had absolved them from that tie : that the 
trial which the King offers them for their right to government is an ar- 
gument that he looks on their grants to be in force till that trial is issued, 
and therefore while it was safe for the proprietors to act, it was safe for 
them to obey. That the want of an approbation was no fault of the 
proprietors, for that they had followed the proper methods for obtaining 
it, and if the Lords refused it, it could not be charged as a crime in the 
proprietors, or in me if I acted without it, and that it was the King not 
the people was judge how far a person was qualified or unqualified to 
act, and the proprietors were always ready to answer for that, and it 
was they run the risk if any was, not the inhabitants. 

" Notwithstanding, Mr. Royse he still insisted that they were not safe 
to act without an approbation, which put me upon the necessity of plain 
dealing with them. I told them I was not a stranger to the point they 
were driving at, and that the getting the government out of the propri- 
etors' hands they accounted the means to obtain it, and it was that, not 
want of an approbation, was the reason of their pretended scruples; but 
withal, as they might miss the mark, so they were unmannerly and un- 
grateful to the proprietors, who had been at so great a charge to main- 
tain the government purely to make them easy and would always have 
thrown it up when the people had applied to them. That by keeping 
them a distinct province throughout the course of the late war, they had 
their purses and their persons in their own disposal, and freed of a 



NOTES. 



227 



charge of at least £15000 which their proportion would have amounted 
to, and though their carriage Avould ere long make the proprietors 
throw them off", yet even that government to which hy their own fault 
they were like to be annexed, tliey'd use the treason but despise the 
traitors. 

" Thereafter they withdrew, and understanding by some of the mem- 
bers that they were resolved to raise no money, and fearing they might 
use the authority of the assembly for countenancing their petition and 
so might make a better figure at home, than when signed by a few. 
straggling hands, I was glad of an opportunity of dissolving them ; and 
as luck would have it, with debates among themselves they omitted 
choosing a speaker the first day, and that dissolved them of course. I 
shall once more only recommend it to you to bring the affair of govern- 
ment forthwith to an issue by surrender, or rather by a trial, and then 
you are free of the expense of a new charter. I am unwilling to begin 
the other sheet, and therefore take leave. 

Worthy Gentlemen, 

Your most faithful servant, 

AND. HAMILTON." 
» Received the 24th July." 



APPENDIX, 



THE 



MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 



PROVINCE OF EAST NEW JERSEY 



IN 



AMERICA. 
/ 



BY GEORGE SCOT 



NOW FIRST REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL EDITION 
PUBLISHED AT EDINBURGH IN 1685. 



PUBLISHED BY THE 

NEW JERSEY HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 
18 46. 



INTRODUCTION. 



The work here reprinted for the first time, contains 
information relating to many of the first settlers of East 
Jersey, and to the condition of the province at an early 
period, nowhere else to be found ; and which has been 
rendered of little service to historians generally from the 
rareness of the original edition. Only four copies are 
known to exist — two in Europe and two in the United 
States. One is in the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh ; 
another in the Gottingen Collection ; the third is in the 
possession of John A. King, Esq., of Long Island ; and 
the fourth in Harvard College Library, from which the 
manuscript copy was taken for this reprint. The use of 
Mr. King's copy has also been politely extended to the 
Editor during the passage of the work through the 
press. 

Smith, the Provincial Historian, or some one in his 
behalf, must have had access to a copy ; as his history 
contains three or four letters and (in part) a description 
of the Province as it was in 1680, which were evidently 
extracted from this work, although it is not alluded to in 
any way by him. Mr. Bancroft refers to, and quotes it 
in one or two instances, but Mr. Grahame, the late elo- 
quent writer on our Colonial History, was the first, and 
heretofore, the only one to consider the work of sufficient 



234 INTRODUCTION. 

importance to call for any particular notice of its charac- 
ter, or of the circumstances under which it was written ; 
which were briefly these : The Scotch Proprietaries 
found it a difficult matter to induce their countrymen, 
notwithstanding the depressed condition of the greater 
proportion of them at home, to seek relief in a voluntary 
and perpetual exile in a distant land. Some two or 
three hundred had done so, but it was necessary to a 
successful prosecution of their scheme of colonization, that 
the public interest therein should be more generally dif- 
fused and the embarkation of greater numbers secured. 
They therefore procured the publication of the work that 
follows, entering particularly into historical and statisti- 
cal details respecting the Province ; and, while present- 
ing in a desirable light the proposed refuge, combating 
with considerable ingenuity the prevailing objections to 
emigration. 

In the fulfilment of this project, the author com- 
mences with a learned disquisition upon the mode in 
which Americawas first peopled, in which, it may be re- 
marked, he apparently adopts views and conjectures 
similar to those which of late years have received the 
favorable consideration of some of our most eminent anti- 
quarians.^ Pie then proceeds to meet and overcome the 
various scruples that were presumed to operate against 
its farther settlement from Scotland, by arguments drawn 
from sacred and profane history, and from different con- 
sideiations of duty to themselves, their families, their 
country, and their religion ; the force and applicability 
of which each reader Tv ill determine for himself. The 
important advantages to be secured by a residence in 

' See pages 11, 14 — 16. 



INTRODUCTION. oo/r 

235 

East Jersey are then portrayed, and the superiority of 
that colony over others in America and the West Indies 
warmly urged. 

The value of the work to the historian, however, 
consists in the information it gives respecting the condi- 
tion of the country ; and the views and prospects of the 
early settlers whose letters constitute a large portion 
of its contents, among whom were several who subse- 
quently filled important stations in the Province, and 
contributed by their abilities and worth to its advance- 
ment in prosperity and civilization. 'Tis true 

" * * * * We but hear 
Of the survivors' toil in their new lands. 
Their numbers and success ; — " 

yet who can read with indifference such items of intelli- 
gence, referring to those hardy pioneers from whose 
exertions sprung the fruitful fields and beautiful villages 
of East Jersey, so characteristically recorded by them- 
selves ? It is to the influence of these letters, and of the 
work generally, that we may consider it in a great mea- 
sure owing — adopting the language of Grahame — that 
" American society was enriched with a valuable acces- 
sion of virtue that had been refined by adversity, and 
piety that was invigorated by persecution." 

The author, George Scot of Pitlochie, was connected 
by descent and marriage with some of the most distin- 
guished families in Scotland ; which circumstance may 
have led the Proprietaries to confide to him the prepara- 
tion of the work, from the beneficial tendency his advo- 
cating the cause of emigration would have upon an 
extensive circle of acquaintance ; and his arguments, 
doubtless, received material support from the fact of his 



236 INTRODUCTION. 

adding example to precept, by embarking himself and 
family for East Jersey. He was accompanied by nearly 
two hundred persons, and sailed from Scotland about 
August 1st, 1685; the Proprietaries granting him as a 
testimonial of their gratitude for the services he had ren- 
dered them, five hundred acres of land in the Province.^ 
But the career of energy and usefulness which prom- 
ised so much for the welfare of the Province was soon 
closed. Before the " Henry and Francis " (the vessel 
in which they sailed) arrived at East Jersey, both Scot 
and his wife (and possibly one child) were no longer 
living. Of the catastrophe or disease causing this un 
fortunate result, the records of the Province give us no 
information, and tradition merely brings down the fact 
that they died before they reached the land of their adop- 
tion. One daughter alone survived, Eupham (Euphe- 
mia) Scot, who in 1686 became the wife of John John- 
stone one of her fellow passengers, (the "Druggist at 
the sign of the Unicorn in Edinburgh " mentioned on 
the last page of ' the Model ;') and on January 13th, 
1686-7, her husband received from the Board of Pro- 



• E. J. Records, A, 385, 386. The and no allusion whatever to the work 
grant was dated July 28th, 1685. Mr. appears elsewhere in the Records. Mr. 
Grahame advances some reasons why he Grahame starts an inquiry as to the iden- 
presumes Governor Barclay did not tity of this George Scot with the Cap- 
write the book himself, but thinks it tain Scot who, Governor Nicholls 
probable he gave his assistance in its [Chalmers' Annals, p. 634,] states, had 
preparation. He says, " The inequality been an applicant for the patent which 
of the performance strongly attests that the Duke of York obtained, and who, 
it was not wholly the composition of a in revenge for the disappointment he 
single author ;" but the Editor doubts if sustained, induced the Duke to part with 
the inequality alluded to is sufficiently New Jersey — then considered the best 
great to warrant such a supposition ; and part of the grant ! They were undoubt- 
it is very certain that in the above-men- edly different persons. Captain Scot's 
tioned grant nothing is said of indebt- name was John, 
edness to any other party than Scot -. 



INTRODUCTION. 237 

prietors a confirmation of the grant which had been made 
to her father. 

John Johnstone long practised medicine in the Pro- 
vince, besides filhng several important public offices, 
and died, says the Historian Smith, " very much la- 
mented by all who knew him, and to the inexpressible 
loss of the poor, who were always his particular care." 

Their descendants became numerous, and for years 
before the Revolution their names are frequently met 
with in connection with high civil and military stations 
in the Province ; and although most of the families thus 
descended, from their identification with the Royal cause 
at the Revolution, were scattered in different directions 
or obliged to leave America; there are still, among the 
most respected citizens of New Jersey those who can 
trace their descent from George Scot ; testifying, by 
their own characters and talents, to the service rendered 
by their ancestor when in addition to the influence of 
his work he embarked his family for East Jersey. 

Following the dedication in the original edition, is 
an advertisement " to the Reader from the Printer," re- 
questing him " with his pen to help what he finds amiss, 
the author's pressing aflairs having hindered him from 
overseeing the press ;" and in transcribing the work, the 
manifold errors in orthography and punctuation caused 
some hesitation as to the course proper to be pursued. 
Desirous, however, to preserve its character as much as 
possible, and considering also that some of these errors 
mio;ht have originated with the writers of the several 
letters, and therefore be in some measure indicative of 
their literary attainments, the Editor has confined the 
corrections to what were deemed merely errors of the 
press. 



238 INTRODUCTION. 

The predominating type changes frequently, in the 
original, some pages being in italic characters, some in 
roman ; but in this reprint it was thought unnecessary to 
alter the character, save for such words or passages as 
were printed diiferently from the current type of the 
page on which they appear. 

The following page shows the Title, and size of the 
leaf in the original ; and the figures between brackets, 
inserted in the text, indicate the division of its pages. 

W. A. W. 

Newark, New Jersey, 1846 



THE 

MODEL 

OF THE 

GOVERNMENT 

Of the 

PROVINCE 

OF 

EAST::NEW::JERSEY 

IN 

AMERICA; 

And Encouragements for such as Designs to be 
concerned there 

Published for the Information of such as are de- 
sirous to be Interested in that place.- 

EDINBURGH 

Printed by John Reid, And Sold be 

Alexander Ogston Stationer in the 

Parliament Closs. Anno 

DOM. 1685. 



To 
JAMES 

Earl of Perth, Lord Drummond 

and Stobhall, &c.. Lord High 
Chancellour of Scotland. 
JOHN Viscount of Melfoord, GEORGE Viscount of Tarbet, 
Lord Drummond o/'Gilston, Secre- Lord Mcdoud and Castle-Haven 
tary of Slate for the Kingdom of Lord Clerk, Register (/Scotland. 
Scotland, one of the Members of and one of His Majesty's most Hon 
His Majesties most Honourable ourable Privy Council there. 
Privy Councill in both Kingdoms. 

My Noble Lords : 

As your Lordships concern in East Jersey, makes it appear to ail 
intelligent persons, that it is a Nationall interest to advance in general! 
the design of a Plantation, hence to America : so that in particular 
East Jersey [ii] is the most proper place, seeing your Lordships have 
chosen it among all the other parts of that continent, to settle your in- 
terest there ; Yet my Lords there are (to our shame) a parcell of peo- 
ple, who whether out of Ignorance or Malice, I cannot well determine 
decry the design ; I believe they have a share of both, and thereby 
weaken not a little the hands of a number of well meaning people who 
would gladly promote the same effectually, were they not imposed upon 
by the false rumors, industriously spread abroad to stifle any such in- 
clinations. 

I have been advised to consent to the publishing of the following 
sheets, at first collected only for my own divertisement and more clear 
information in the affair, as what may tend somewhat to prevent any 
foolish misrepresentation ; when by the perusall of the accounts from 
thence, the least jealousie is removed of any cheat in the thing itself eo 
advantageous a Character of the place coming from so many different 
hands. 

I have had too many demonstrations of your Lordships favour to 
fear your displeasure upon account of my presuming [iii] to send the 
same abroad under your Patrociny ; yea, I dare further advance, without 
the least apprehension of your dissatisfaction with me upon that liead 
to mind your Lordships that as you have laid the foundation of this de- 

16 



242 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

sign, as to any concern of this Countrey in that place, so it is expected 
your Lordships will continue to encourage the same. In process of 
time your Lordships may render your Names and Families as consid- 
erable in America as they are in Europe. 

My Lords, having resolved to dedicate myself, Family, and For- 
tune, to the promoting of this design, I should the more easily digest 
any frowns of Providence I have been trysted with, were I so fortunate 
as to find the opportunity, in Jersey^ of testifying my resentments of 
the favours I have received at your Lordships hands in Scotland, by 
noticeing any of your Lordships concerns there, and contributing what 
in me lyes to advance the same : nothing shall be wanting in me to tes- 
tifie how much I am 

My Noble Lords, 

Your Lordships' most 

humbly devoted Servant, 

GEORGE SCOT. 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 



243 



An Account of the Incouragement for promoting a Design of Plant- 
ing, in East New Jersey ; containing the Constitutions, and a Model of 
Government of that Province : in a Letter from a Gentleman at Edin- 
burgh, concerned there, to his Correspondent in the Countrey: 

Sir: 

Perceiving by your last Discourse, that you not only appeared 
somewhat resolved to be yourself concerned in promoting the present 
Design of carrying on a Plantation in America, but to endeavour 
to engage several of your Friends in the same undertaking when 
you found any probability of its taking effect ; I find myself oblig- 
ed, for your more full Information, to let you know at more length 
the Reasons inducing me to be so much concerned in the promoting 
this Atiair, submitting very willingly, the grounds prompting me hereto, 
to your most narrow scrutiny, whether in so doing I act Rationally or 
not? 

Having at London in the year 1679, the opportunity of frequent con- 
verse with several [2] Substantial and Judicious Gentlemen concerned 
in the American Plantations, I had thereby the opportunity of vmder- 
standing thorougly the great advantage redounding to that City from 
Undertakings of this nature, and rational grounds of Conjecture That 
tlieir Commerce with that place of the World, hath been one of the 
greatest Improvements of that Trade they have for many years enjoyed, 
which hath rendered it now one of the most considerable Cities in 
Europe ; the Customs thereof which in dueen ElizabetJi's time, were 
farmed at Fifty thousand pounds paying now into the Exchequer, near 
seven hundred thousand pounds yearly, which great Improvement may 
be much attributed to their Trade with America, brought now in a great 
manner to Perfection, which at that time was but in its Infancy. 

From that time I began to have strong inclination to be more fully 
informed in that Affair, and to be, at all imaginable pains, to notice the 
.same very concernedly, and for my more full satisfaction, I judged it 
requisite to trace the very beginnings of all the English Plantations, 
and their gradual progresses ere they arrived at that perfection they 
presently [3] are at, I could not rest satisfied with the first Methods I 
proposed to myself in Order to do this, of discoursing at large with such 
as had been in the several Plantations, by putting such interrogatories 



244 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

to them thereanent, as I judged most proper for informing myself in all 
things relative to that knowledge I judged requisite for my own clear 
information, and for being a foundation to a Design I then began to 
frame, of being therein myself some way interested; And tho' I found 
one and the same account given me in solution of the most material 
Questions I proposed. Yea, from several hands, who were such whose 
knowledge in other things, with the good Character they generally went 
under, obliged me to notice their information as truth without the least 
jealousing the verity of the account they gave me ; yet for my more 
full satisfaction, I proposed what I judged would contribute more clearly 
to my full understanding that affair, to wit, the perusal of all the Geo- 
grapliical descriptions of these places in America inhabited by the 
English. 

The first tiling which offered to my view in this search, was a ques- 
tion in itself both pleasant and material. What way the continent of 
America came first to be inhabited after the Flood, it being a World 
f4] wholly unknown to Europeans^ Asiaiicks, and Africans, till the late 
discovery thereof by Americus Vespucius, and Christophorus Columbus, 
since by all circumstances, it is apparent that it hath been long inhabit- 
ed ; Laertius in his discourse anent the Original of the Amei^cans, 
Declaring, That the Spaniards destroyed thirty millions of them in 
those parts of America usurped by them, which is not the 100 part of 
that continent : And since it is by all agreed that after the Flood, Noah 
and his three Sons had their habitations in some parts of Asia ; there 
being no probable evidences that any of their Descendants led out the 
first Colonies thither, being so divided from the rest of the World, to wit, 
from the Western coast of Europe and Africa by the vast Atlantick 
Ocean ; from the North parts of Europe, by the great frozen Seas lying 
betwixt it and Green land, appearing to be the Northern Coast of Ame- 
rica ; from the Northern part of Asia., Tartaria, and Cathay, by the 
Prelum Annium ; from the East part of China, and the Philippine 
Islands by the Oceanus Pacificus, above 2000 leagues in breadth ; and 
divided from the great lately discovered Island Delfuego, [5] by the 
Straits of Magellan ; and that Island divided again from the uttermost 
Southern Continent (if any be) by a Great Sea not formerly kjnown to 
the Europeans, and Asiaticks ; being divided from Asia and Africa, by 
the great Indian Ocean lately discovered by De La Mers Navigation ; 
the only probable means of such a Migration, being of a far later per- 
fection, than what could answer such a population of so great a Conti- 
nent. 

To this apparently difficult question I find a very satisfying answer 
given very fully by the Learned Hales, his Assertion, to wit. That not- 
withstanding these apparent difficulties, a Migration unto America from 
the Descendants of Adam, and Noah, was not only possible, but proba- 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 045 

ble; that the famine [migration?] was successive, that tho the lime or 
manner of these Migrations cannot certainly be defined, yet many of 
them were long since, some thousand of years, Yet after the universal 
Deluge, that the means of this Transmigration of the Descendants of 
Adam and A'oa/t, from Asia unto America, hath been both by Sea and 
Land. That the readiest means of the Migration of Colonies unto the 
Western World [6] from the Eastern, was by the help of Navigation 
whereof much might be casual by Tempests, or contrary Winds, ftun/tt; 
more Principal from design, be judging it probable that the use of Ships 
was not unknown to the Old World before the Flood, tho not in the perlec- 
tion as after. But that the Ark of Noah, being an exact piece of Archi- 
tecture, did give a patern for Vessels of greater burden, that from that 
time the skill of making and navigating Ships had been certainly im- 
proved ; Heathnish Histories giving us account, that Navigation was 
ancient among the Grecians, especially among the Pheniciayis, Tyiians, 
and Carthaginians ; Pliny in his Natural History, relating That the 
Navigation of the Argonauts to Colchis for the Golden Fleece, happened 
about 1000 years after the Flood : and that 200 years before that, Da- 
naus sailed out of (Egypt unto Greece, and tho there be no express men- 
tion of the Pixis Nautica for many years, after the mention of the use 
of Navigation, yet the same Author relates That the Phenicians steered 
their course by observation of the Stars. 

But the Sacred Scripture gives a better [7] account of the Anti- 
tiquity of Navigation. Jacob died 600 years after the Flood, yet he 
mentioned Ships and Havens for shipping, as things well known : and 
particularly Sidon, as a great Port for Shipping, where Zebulons Lot 
was to be cast ; Gen. 49. 13. Balaam, in the time of Moses, mentions 
the Ships of Chittim, or Grecians, as a known thing ; Num. 24. 24. In 
the Reign of Solomon, the Tyrians are noticed as expert seamen, he 
having a Navy upon the Coast of the Red Sea, from thence making 
Voyages with the Tyrians to Ophir, and Tarshish, places apparentlie 
in the East Indies, thence bringing Gold and other Commodities : 1 
Chr: 8. 18: 9. 21. 

The Histories of all succeeding Ages of the Grecians and Persians, 
of the Tyrians, Phenicians and Carthaginians, of the Romans, CEgyp- 
tiaiis and Chineses ; and in the latter times of the Venitians, Sicilians 
and Rhodians, Spanish, Dutch, French and English, give us a full ac- 
count how Sedulous and Industrious all Maratime Coasts have been 
in advancing of Navigation, in multiplying of Shipping, in Merchan- 
dizing and Trading, in searching out and subduing Forreign Coun- 
tries, when either afflicted at home [8] by war or otherwaycs, or grown 
over populous. 

And therefore, says the Ibrecited Author, as latter years hath given 
us, of this age, witness of the Transplantations to America^ iYoin Spain, 



246 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

France, Portugal. England, Scothwd, and Holland, and some Ages 
before that have given instances of Transplantations from Norwaij unto 
Greenland and Iceland : so it apjiears not only possible, but probable, 
that either by Casuality or Tempest, or by Intention and Design, either 
for Lucre of Gold, or for disburthening of the Countries Sur-charged 
with multitudes of Inhabitants, or by greatness of mind, affecting Noble 
Undertakings, or by Reason of Hardships, Oppression, and Wars at 
home, or by some of all these wayes, several parts of this great Conti- 
nent, at several times have been planted with Inhabitants, which 
through process of time, have multiplied into these many Nations, and 
have forgot their Original, and the Manners. Religions and Customs of 
these People, from whom they descended in Asia, Europe, or Africa. 

His judgment is, That the Countries in ^Ismand Europe, which with 
greatest probability have first Peopled America [9] appear to be the 
Britishjthe Norwegians, the Tartars, or Scythians, the Phenicians, 
Carthaginians, or the Chineses : Not mentioning the late migrations of 
the Spatiish, French, Portuguese, Dutch, English or Scottish. 

Doctor Powels relates, That 07i7w 1170, Madock one of the Sons of 
Owen Gwinneth, went over twice unto the Northern coast of America, 
and made there a British plantation ; This is at large prosecuted by 
Laertius in his second Observation. 

Grotius hath some Observations touching the Migrations of the 
Norwegians ; Laertius grants, that Iceland and some part of Green- 
land, were planted by Ericus Rufus, anno 928 ; that probably from 
hence Colonies were brought over unto the Northern parts o? America, 
over the Fretum Anion, in respect of the easiness and .shortness of that 
passage ; from Nova Zembla and the farthest North east part of Tar- 
tary, over that narrow sea, and partly by Reason of the congruitie of 
the Barbarous customs of the Americans and Scythians. 

Hornius thinks the Migration of the Phenicians and Carthaginians, 
especially unto the south-east part of the continent of America, [10] as 
Mexico and Brasil, very probable upon many accounts : 1. Upon the 
great skill and long practice of Navigation, and the multitude of Shipping 
of the Phenicians and Carthaginians : 2. Upon the Accommodation of 
the Port of Carthage, and other African ports bordering upon the Mede- 
ierranean Sea, to make their Voyages Westward, and the great advan- 
tage of the constant Easterly winds, which makes the Voyage to Mexico, 
and Brasil more easy : 3. Upon some ancient Histories, intimating the 
progress of the Phenician and Carthaginian Fleet unto some Islands, 
or Continents in or near the Atlantick Ocean : — And lastly, he finds 
much of the Origination of the Americans attributed to the Migration of 
the Seni or Sinenses, I'rom the Eastern parts of China, and the Philippine 
Islands, from the Islands of Borneo, and the Moluccas and Japan, through 
he Mare Pacifcum, unto the Wester^i parts of America ; which, tho 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 247 

it be a large Ocean of above 2000 Leagues betwixt the Pldlippiw. 
Islands, and the West of tlie American Continent, and the passage 
hither dilKcult, in respect of the constant Easterly Winds betwixt the 
TVopicks : yet many [11] reasons appear to the likelihood of a planta- 
tion from thence. 1. In respect of the Peopling of China, which Mr. 
Webb sayes. Was first Peopled after the Universal Deluge, Shem the son 
of Noah, first settling here, it being the most ancient and primitive 
Language : that by means of the Almighty, and settledness of tliis 
vionaixhy, having continued ever since the Universal Deluge, It is most 
probable, the Western continent of America was Peopled hence: 2. 
Because they were the greatest Masters of Shipping, and best skilled 
in Navigation of any part in the World ; The Pixis Nautica being 
there known, and used long before the knowledge thereof in Europe. 
3. The many Islands upon the South, and South-East part of China, as 
Borneo, Java, Gilolo, Celebes ; and others near the Equator, are dis- 
joyned but by very narrow Seas — not much broader than between Eng- 
land and France — from the neck of Land called Terra de Papes, or Nova 
Guinea, and Nova Hollandia, new discovered to be, at least in some 
parts, disjoyned from the more Southern Continent, by a great Sea, but 
anciently thought to have been a [12] part of the Soiothern Continent. 

Upon these and the like Probabilities, Judge Hales thinks it reason- 
able to conclude that the Americans had their Original from the Inhabi- 
tants of Europe, Asia, and Africa, that Transmigrated into that Conti- 
nent, either intentionally or Casually, or both. 2. That these Migrations 
were not of one single People, but of many and diverse nations. 3. 
That these Migrations were not altogether or at one time, but succes- 
sively in several ages, some earlier, some later. 4. That, therefore it is 
impossible to determine the time of such Migrations, only that they 
have been all since the Flood, now above 4000 years ago ; some Migra- 
tions 2, 3, or 400 years after the Flood ; some later, according to various 
accidents ; but there is no wayes probable that the earliest Migration 
hither was above 4000 years since, for if one hundred pair they might 
easily propagate a number competent to People all that Continent. 
6. That it appears that since the last of these ancient Migrations, sup- 
pose that of Madock and his Brittons, until our late Migrations by the 
Spaniards, French, English, Dutch, and Scottish, there probably inter- 
vened an interval of at least 4 or 500 years ; in all which Interval ttie 
Commerce [13] and Communication between Europe or Asia, and 
America, hath as it were slept and been forgot both by tliem and 
us. 7. That in this interval of 500 years or thereabouts, in all parts, 
but in some parts far greater, there must in all probability happen a 
great forgetfulness of their Original, a great Degeneration from tlie 
Primitive CiviUtie, Rehgion, and Customs of these places, from whence 
they first arrived ; a Ferine and necessitous kind of Life, by a conver- 



t248 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

sation with those that having been long there, were fallen into more 
barbarous habit of Life and Manners, would easily assimilate, at least 
the next Generation, to barbarism or ferineness. Where a Colony comes 
and keeps itself in a Body, as the Roman Colonies did, and the Planta- 
tions in Virginia and New England do, and the New Accessions incor • 
porate and joyn themselves unto that Body. Customs, both Religious 
and Civil, and the Original Language are kept intire, but when the 
Accessions are but thin, and sparing, and scattered among the Natives 
of the Countrey where they come, and are driven to conform themselves 
unto their customs for their very subsistence, safety and entertainment, 
it falls out that the very first Planters do soon degenerate in their habits, 
customs, [14] and Religions, as a little wine poured into a great vessel! 
loseth itself; but if they escape a total assimilation to the countrey 
where they thus are mingled, yet the next Generation in such a mixture, 
is quickly assimilated to the corrupt manners, and customs of the peo- 
ple among whom they are thus planted ; so that it is no wonder, if in 
such kind of small Accessions, successively from one and the same, or 
severall Countries, The third Generation forgot their Ancestors, and 
the Customs, Religions, and languages of these people from whom they 
were first derived, and assume various tempera7nents in their language 
and customs, according as the places of their habitation and the Company 
among whom they live obtain. But there remains yet a great difficulty, 
touching the noxious untameable Beasts as Lions, Tigers, Wolves, Bears, 
which that continent abounds with ; how they come to be conducted 
over the seas, to be preserved in the Ark, and after to be transported 
again thither, it not being probable that they could be transported by 
shipping, seeing no man would be at the pains, charge and hazard, with 
such Beasts, which would do more harme than good. And altho pos- 
eibly, the Frozen Northern Seas might be a Bridge for their Passage, 
yet that appears [15] unlikly in respect of the great snows which 
accompany such frosts ; and the impossibility of supply of food in eo 
great and troublesome a journey, and as to swimming, tho the Seas 
between Tartary and Cathay, and some parts of America, be not so 
wide as the Atlantick, or Pacijick Ocean ; yet they are too large to afford 
a passage by Sea for Tigers and Lions not apt to take the water ; and 
it is not yet certainly discovered, tho conjectured, that there is any 
neck of Ground or passage by Land from any part of Europe, or Asia, 
nnto any part of the continent of America. 

The only thing then remaining to accommodate this difficulty, is to 
suppose that though it should be granted, there is no such Land passage 
extent, yet within the compass of four thousand years elapsed [since] 
the Flood, there have been some such junctions or land passages be- 
tween the northern parts of Asia, or Europe, and some northern parts of 
the continent of America: or between the south east part of China, or 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 



249 



the Philipine Islands, and tlie Southern continent, — though lately there 
be discovered an interposition of Sea, between the Island Drlfwgv and 
that southern continent, — whereby either from Asia to Greenland, in 
the north, or from China to Terra Australis incognita on the south, a 
land passage might be from [16] Asia to America for men and beasts ; 
though for some ages past, either by the violence of the water or by 
floods, or earthquakes, which hath made great alterations in the Globe 
of the Earth and Seas, that Bridge or Line of communication be now 
broken or obliterated: and truly such as observe the infinite number of 
Islands lying between the continent of CJiina and Nova Guinea, almost 
contiguous to each other hath probable reason to believe that these 
have been all formerly one continent joining CJiina and Nova Guinea 
together, though now by the eruption of the seas, crumbled into small 
Islands: hence there is ground to believe there hath been anciently 
necks of land which maintained passage of communication by land be- 
twixt the two continents. Pliny tells us of the great Atlaniick Island 
mentioned by the CEgyptian Priest, in Plato^s Timens, almost contiguous 
to the western part of Spain and Africa, now wholly swallowed up by 
that Ocean : which if truth, for ought we know might afford a passage 
from Africa to America, by land before that Submersion. 

[17] But to return from this, I hope not unpleasant degression, 
having seriously considered the advantages which may be rationally 
conjectured, to redound from the right management of a concern in 
America, I resolved to lay myself out wholly for the promoting such a 
design in this Countrey, as what I was convinced, would in the end not 
only tend to the Honour and advantage of our nation in General, but to 
the Particular Interest of such as would resolve to be therein effectually 
concerned : though I am abundantly sensible, there are not a few who 
take upon them to censure this undertaking, who have not the capacity 
to pry into the advantages which may rationally be proposed in prosecu- 
ting thereof the strongest argument they are able to bring against, it 
being taken from the practice of our Ancestors, altogether innocent of 
any such design, though reputed abundantly wise in their generation : 
that therefore in their children it can be no less than folly to introduce 
such a novelty ; the same appearing to thwart the verity of some of our 
old Scottish Proverbs that ill bairns are best heard at home : Fools are 
fain of flitting : and a Bird in hand is better than two in the [18] hush; 
esteemed no less by them than sometimes were the oracles of Apollo, at 
Delphos. Yes Sir, I have heard some, whose pretensions to wit were 
so great, that they were upon the borders of Commencing Vertuosi, 
snarling at this intention, who having been engaged in the debate be- 
wrayed their ignorance so far in the affair, as to inquire whether the 
plan treated anent, as the proper seats for a Collonie, from hence were 
Islands, or on the continent, if such so little versant in America, be com- 



250 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

petent Judges of a matter of this import, I leave it to your determina- 
tion ;,and therefore, judging them altogether unworthy of being other- 
wayes rwticed than to pity their ignorance, not envying them the satis- 
faction of their own Opinions, I proceed more at length to acquaint you 
with the grounds I walk upon, in resolving to be so effectually con- 
cerned in promoting this design, as to hazard myself, Family, and For- 
tune, in Prosecuting thereof: submitting very cheerfully the considera- 
tion thereof to your narrowest and most exact scrutiny, whether the 
motives prompting me hereto be founded upon solid Reason or not ? 

I find the most brutish of Mankind proposeth some end to himself, 
whereby he is actuated, [19] the Voluptuous seeks after his pleasure, 
the Ambitious his preferment, the Covetous his treasure ; whence it is 
apparent, that all the intentions of man, how unrational soever, are ac- 
tuated by one of these three great engines of Jucundum Honestum and 
Utile. In the effectual promoting this design, I judge a man may ra- 
tionally have a prospect to all these three : I must confess, there is in 
the generality of Mankind a natural inclination to love the Land of 
their own Nativity beyond other places, tho upon several Considera- 
tions every way preferable, according to that of the Poet, 

Nescio quo natale SaluTn dulcidine cunctos, 
Tangit &{ immemores non sinit esse sui 

Yet we see, it hath been frequently so ordered in Providence, that several, 
upon different motives, have been brovight to quit their Native Soyl, 
and inclined to make choice of strange and remote Countries for their 
habitation ; and it is clearly seen, that this their removal hath tended 
both to their honour and outward more plentiful accommodation ; hence 
the Northern Climates, tho barren as to their Soyl, have been observed 
to produce bodies of Men, in greater abundance, [20] more strong and 
vivid than the more Southern and fertile places of the World ; where 
great multitudes o£ people pinched with the straits of their own Countrey, 
have issued forth to more agreeable ^inA. fertile places. Thus the Goths, 
Vandals, and Hunns overspread the Roman Empire, seating themselves 
in Italy and Spain, and a great part of Africa ; hence the eruption of 
the Franks from the Rhine, upon the more pleasant Valliesof the Loire 
[and] Seine, and giving thus, rise to most flourishing Kingdoms. 

I grant that upon the first view, it may appear somewhat of a Nov- 
elty, and that upon this consideration, the Undertakers may be lyable to 
the censure of such as prye not further into the Affair. Yet I am 
ready to believe that the more serious and Judicious will have other 
sentiments of this Design, when they consider, that not only is this 
practice warranted by the Scripture, but that the effectual prosecuting 
thereof, will be made clearly to appear, to be contributive as well to 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 05I 

the honor of the Undertakers as to their parlicidar Interest, and likewise 
to the general advantage of the Nation. [21] The placing of a People 
in this or that Countrey, is from the appointment of God, the Apostle 
speaks of it as grounded in Nature, Acts 17. 26. God hath determined 
the times before appointed, and the bounds of our habitation. Dent. 2. 
8. 5 and 9. God woidd. not have the Israelites meddle withthe Edom- 
ites or the Moabites. because he had given them the land for a posses- 
sion. 

I do not find any taking upon them to define what particular sum- 
mons the first Undertakers of planting Collonies had, whether from the 
mouth of God immediately (as Abraham first and the Children of Israel 
thereafter,) or from the advice and Counsel of men: Yet that the Wis- 
dom of God directed them in this Course is evident from Moses his testi- 
monie, alfirming, that he separated the sons of Adam, and set the botinds 
of their habitation, Deut. 32. 8. So that whoever set on the work, God 
acknowledgeth it as his own: we read also in the 16th of the Acts, verse 
12. Of a Collony (which is a company of People agreeing to remove 
out of their Countrey, and settle a City or Commonwealth elsewhere) 
which God blessed and prospered exceedingly and made it a glori- 
ous Church. 

[22] That Collonies as other States in Humane Society, have their 
Warrant from Gods direction and Command, is apparent to all. No 
sooner was Man created, than he was commanded to replenish the 
Earth, and subdue it. Gen. 1. 26. By these words, and the repetition of 
them to Noah, Gen. 9 verse 1, We see a promise expressed (as the 
title of a Benediction and thereto prefixed.) So it may also be per- 
ceived, that they include a direction or command. Calvin sayes upon 
these words, Jubit cos crescere ^ Simul benedictionem sitam des- 
tinat ; and Junius, pro ut vim intus indiderat sic palane manda tnm, 
dedit curandce propagationis ^ domination is e.vercendce. And Pa- 
roeus, Jubit igitur replere te^rram, non solum generatione ^ habita- 
tione, sed cum primis potestate cultu ^ usu, etsi vero nonidlce. orbis 
partes manent inhabitales, habemus nihilominus totius dominium, Jure 
Divino licet non habeamus totius orbis usuni cidpa ^ defectu nostra. 

If it be alledged, that tho it must be granted that the words have 
the force of a Precept, yet it was but to continue during the World.'i 
Infancy and no lorfger ; upon due consideration [23] it will be found, 
that there is no ground here for such a Limitation: For tho some Com- 
mandments founded upon, and respecting some State and Condition of 
Men, received end and alteration, when the condition was ended ; yet 
Precepts given to the body of Mankind, as these to Adam and N^oah, 
receive neither alteration in the substantials, nor determination, while 
Men and any void places of the Earth continue : so that allowing this 
Commandment to bind Adam, it must bind his Posterity ; and conse- 



252 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

quently ourselves in this Age and our Issue after us, as long as the 
Earth yields empty places to be replenished. 

Where there is an empty vacant place there appears hence to be 
Liberty for the sons oi" Adam, or Noah, to come and inhabit : Abraham 
and Isaac sojourned among the Philistines ; Yea, I do not see that 
either they bought or asked leave of the Inhabitants : By sojourning is 
meant a constant residence there, as in ^possession of their men, although 
it be so termed, as if they had been Strangers, because they neither pre- 
tended to the Sovereign Government of the ivhole Countrey, neither did 
incorporate themselves unto the Common Wealth of the [24] Natives 
to submit themselves to their Government ; they did not buy that land 
to feed their Cattle, because they said, there is room enough ; intima- 
ting, that the Natives were no wayes injured by their Neighbourhood ; 
and so did Jacob pitch his tents by Sechem, Gen. 34. verse 21. Hamor 
said, there is room enough, therefore let them sit down among us, yea we 
see that in case the people who were former Inhabitants, did disturb 
them in their possessions, they complained to the King, as of injury done 
to them, as Abraham did, because they took away his well ; Gen. 21. 25. 
for his right thereto, he pleaded not his immediate call from God, for 
that would have seemed frivolous among the Heathen, but his own in- 
dustry and culture in digging thereof, yea, we see the King does not 
reject his Plea with, what had he to do to dig wells in their soil ?, but, 
admitteth it as a principle of Nature, that in a vacant soyl he who 
taketh jjossession thereof, and bestoweth Culture and Husbandry there- 
upon, his right it is : the ground herepf being from the Grand Charter 
given to Adam and his posterity in Paradise, Gen. 1. 28. Multiply and 
replenish the Earth, and [25] subdue it, which Charter was renewed 
to Noah, Gen. 9. 1. fill the Earth and multiply. In the next place the 
gift of the Earth, is to the Sons of Men, Psalm 115. 16. this necessarily 
enforceth their duty to people it. Were it not an injury done to the 
most High, to think He does ought in vain? or that He tenders a gift 
to Mankind, which He never meant should be enjoyed : And what way 
can Men make benefit of the Earth but by habitation and culture ? 
Neither do I judge it a rational answer to this, that God's intention is 
satisfied, if some part of the Earth be repletiished and used, tho the rest 
be waste, because we are still urged with the same difficulty, that the 
rest of which we receive no fruit, was never intended for us, because it 
was never God's mind w<i shoidd possess it. If it be then granted, that 
it hath been the mind of God, that Man should possess all the parts of 
the Earth ; it must be acknowledged that we neglect our duty, and 
cross His Will, if we do it not when we have occasion and opportunity, 
and do little less than undervalue His blessing. 

Does not also that Order which God annexeth to marriage, in His 
first institution, viz., That [a] married Person should leave [26] Father 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 253 

and Mother, and cleave to another, warrant this practice ; seeing fre- 
quently there is a necessity that young married People should remove 
out of their Fatliers Families, to live apart by themselves j whereby new- 
Families are erected. Now what are new Families but petty Collo- 
nies ? and so at last removing fm-ther and further they overspread the 
whole Earth ; so long therefore as there shall be use of Marriage there 
will be a warrant for deducing of Collonies from one place to another. 

We find that Gods directions have a double scope, Mans good and 
His own Honour. That this Commandment of God is directed to Mans 
good, Temporal or Spintual is more apparent : for it is most certain, 
that the life of Man is made comfortable, affording a more plentiful sup- 
ply in a large scope of ground, which moves them to be so unsatiable in 
their desires, to joyn house to house and land to land, till there be no 
more place. Exceeding I grant, therein, the measure and bounds of 
Justice, and yet building upon a principle suggested by Nature, that a 
large place best secures sufficiency, as we see by Nature, Trees flourish 
fair, prosper well, and wax fruitful in a large Orchard [27] which would 
otherwise decay, if they were straitened in a little Nursery : These that 
are stronger Plants and better rooted, would increase, overtop, and at 
last starve the weaker sort. Do we not see it thus fall out in our Civil 
State, where a. few Menfourish best, furnished with Abilities, or best 
fitted with Opportunities, and the rest wax weak, and la?igicish as want- 
ing room and means to nourish them. Now that the Spirits and Hearts 
of Men are kept in better Temper by spreading wide, will be evident 
to any Man who considers. That the Husbandry of unmanured ground^ 
and shifting unto empty lands, enforceth Men to Frugality, and quick- 
eneth invention : and the setli7ig of new Estates requireth Justice, 
and affection to the Common Good, and the taking of large Countries, 
presents a fiatural remedy against covetousness, fraud and violence, 
when every man may enjoy enough withoiU wrong or injury to h is Neigh- 
bour. Whence it was that the First Age, by these helps, were renowned 
for golden Times, wherein Men being newly entered into their Possess- 
ions, were enforced thereby to Labour, Frugality, Simplicity and Jus- 
tice, having neither leisure nor [28] occasion to decline to Idleness, Ryots, 
Wantonness, Fraud, or Violence : the or ddnary fruits of well Peopled 
Countries, and of the abundance and superfluities of long settled Estates. 

But that which should most stay our hearts is the respect unto Gods 
Honour, which is much advanced by this work of replenishing the 
Earth, whereby the largeness of his bounty is tasted by setling of Men 
in all parts of the World, whereby the extent of His munificence to the 
Sons of Men is discovered ; the Psalmist tells us, that God is much 
magnified by this, that the whole Earth is full of his riches : yea, and 
the Red Sea too. Psalm 104. 24. And God when he would have Abra- 
ham know what he had bestowed on him, when he gave him Canaan, 



254 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

tells him to walk through it in the length of it, and in the breadth of it 
Gen. 13. 17. Gods Honour is hereby advanced when together with 
Mens Persons, Religion is conveyed to several parts of the World, and 
all the quarters of the Earth Sound with His Praise, and Christ Jesus 
takes in the Nations for His Inheritance, and the ends of the Earth for 
His Possession ; according to Gods Decree and Promise. Psal. 2. 8. 
[29] Seeing then it must be acknowledged, that even those Collonies 
which have been undertaken upon the desire either of disburthening 
full states of unnecessary multitudes, or of replenishing waste and void 
Countries, have a clear and sufficient Warrant from the Mouth of God ; 
as immediately concurring with a special end that God aimed at in 
the first institution thereof, when Gods Honour and Glory, and next 
Mans Salvation is his own proper scope in this and all his wayes ; it 
must be more necessarily acknowledged, that the desire and respect 
unto the publishing his Name where it is not known, and reducing Men 
who live without God in this present world, unto a form of Piety and 
Godliness, by how much the more immediately it suits with the mind 
of God, and is further carried from private respects, by so much the 
more it advanceth this work of planting Collonies above all Civil and 
Human ends, and deserves Honour and Approbation above the most 
glorious conquests or most successful enterprises^ which ever were under- 
taken by the most renowned men which the Sun hath seen, and that 
by how much the subduing of Satan is a more glorious Act, than a Vic- 
tory over Man ; and the inlargements of Christs Kingdom, [30] than 
the adding unto Mens dominions; and t\\e saving of Mens Souls, than 
the provision for their Lives and Bodies. 

It appears this end in Plantation hath been specially reserved for 
these latter dayes of the World, seeing before Christ the Decree of God 
that suffered all Nations to walk in their own wayes, Acts 14. 16, shut 
up the Church in the narrow bounds of the promised land, and so ex- 
cluded men from the propagation of Religion to other countries. And 
in the Apostles times, God afforded an easier and speedier course of 
converting Men to the Truth by the gifts of the Tongues, seconded by the 
power of Miracles, to win the greater credit to their Doctrine, which 
most especially and first prevailed upon Countries civihzed, as the His- 
tory of the Acts of the Apostles makes manifest. As for the rest, it is 
not questioned but God used the same way to other barbarous Nations 
which he held with these whom he first civilized by the Roman Con- 
quests and mixture of their Collonies witli them, that Religion might be 
afterwards brovtght in, seeing it cannot be imagined that Religion should 
prevail upon those who are not subdued to the rule of Nature and Rea- 
son. It may be [31] rationally conjectured that God did especially 
direct this Work of Erecting Collonies unto the planting and propagat- 
ing oC Religion in the West Indies, and that for divers reasons, which 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. onn 

ought to be taken into serious consideration, as affording the strongest 
motives which can be proposed to draw on the hearts and affections of 
men to their work. There are men of Note, both for Place and Learn- 
ing in the Church, that, conceive the course held by God from (he begin- 
ning in the propagation of Religion, falls in the lust age, upon the 
Western Parts of the World. It is most certain that from the first 
Planting of Religion among Men, it hath alwayes held a constant icay 
from East to West, and hath in that line proceeded so far, that it hath 
extended to the uttermost Western bounds of the formerly known World ; 
so that if it make up any further passage upon that point of the Com- 
pass it must necessarily light upon the West Indies. And it is conceived 
with all, that our Savior's Prophesie, Matth. 24. 27, points out such a 
progress of the Gospel ; its true that the comparison there used, taken 
from the lightning, aims at the sudden dispersing of the knowledge ol 
Christ by the Apostle Ministrey, but [32] whereas it is known that the 
Lightning shines from diverse places of the Heaven, shewing itself in- 
differently, sometimes in the West, sometimes in the North or South ; 
It's judged probable that our Saviour does in this similitude, choose to 
name the lightning that comes out of the East unto the West, to express 
not only the shining out of the Gospel, but withall the way and passage by 
which it proceeds from one end of the World to another. — that is, from 
East to West. 

But passing by that only as a probable argument, the following 
seems to carry greater weight. The knowledge of Christ must cer- 
tainly be manifested to all quarters of the World, according to diverse 
predictions of Prophets ratified and renewed by Christ and his Apos- 
tles, but that the knowledge of Christ hath been never as yet fully dis- 
covered to these Western Nations is clearly demonstrated, seeing till 
the time that the first Planters went over from England, not many years 
since, no History for 500 years before Christ, ever mentioned any such 
Inhabitants upon earth ; much less left any record of passage to them 
or commerce with them ; so that, unless we should conceive a miracu- 
lous work of conceiving knowledge without means, it cannot be ima- 
gined [33] how these Nations should have once heard of the Name of 
Christ? 

But further, what shall we think of that almost miraculous opening the 
passage unto, and discovery of these formerly unknown N^atio7is, which 
must needs have proven impassable to former Ages, for want of the know- 
ledge of the use of the Load-stone, as wonderfidly found out, as these un- 
known Countreys by it. It were little less than impiety to conceive, that 
God, whose Will concurrs with the lighting of a sparrow upon the ground, 
had no designe in directing one of the most difficidt and observable works 
of this Age ; and as great folly to imagine that He who made all things, 
and consequently Orders and Directs them to his own Glory, had no 



256 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

other scope, hut the satisfying of Men's greedy appetites, who thirsted af- 
ter the riches of the new World; And to tender to the bloody and cruel 
Spaniard the objects of such harharous cruelties, as the World never 
heard of. We have then ground to conceive, that God in that great 
Discovery, aimed at this, that after he had punished the Atheism and 
Idolatry of these Heathens, and brutish Nations by the Co7iquerors^ [34] 
cruelty ; and acquainted them by mixture witli some other peoples civ- 
ility, he might at length cause the Glorious Gospel of Jesus Christ 
shine out to them as it did to other Nations, after the sharp times of the 
bitter desolations thereof betwixt the Romans and them. That this Na- 
tion is able and fit to send out Collonies unto foiv^eign parts will evidently 
appear to any who considers our overflowing multitudes, this being 
admitted for a received principle, that Countries superabound i7i people, 
where they have more than they can well employ, seeing we know men 
are not ordained to live only, but withall and specially to serve one an- 
other, through love, in some profitable and useful calling : and tho it be 
granted, that this Land by Gods ordinary blessing yields sufficiency of 
Corn and Cattle for more than the present inhabitants ; yet that we 
have more people, than we do or can profitably employ, will appear to 
any man of understanding, willing to acknowledge the truth, and to 
consider that many among us live loithout employment either wholly or 
in the greatest part. 

[35.] We have as much opportunity as any Nation, to transport 
our men and necessary provisions by Sea unto these countries, without 
which advantage they cannot be peopled irom any part of the World : 
from this Christian part at least, and how useful a Neighbour the Sea 
is to the furthering such a work, the example of the Grecians and Phe- 
nicians, who filled all the bordering coasts with Collonies, does suffi- 
ciently prove unto all the world ; neither is it to be doubted, but the 
first Planters wanting this convenience, — as Abraham in his removing to 
Charan first, and to Canaan afterwards — must needs have spent much 
time, and endured much trouble in passing their companies and provi- 
sions by land, over Rivers, and through Woods, and Thickets by un- 
beaten paths. 

I know it will be asked, what call or warrants a man hath to remove 
when he is well wheix he is 7 Or what warrant particular men have to 
engage their Persons, and Estates in this employment of planting Collo- 
nies. As for the first of these, we find we may remove for the gainino- 
of knowledge, our Saviour co7nmends it in the Queen of the South, that 
she came from the [36] uttermost ends of the earth to hear the wisdom of 
Solomon. Matth. 12. 24. And surely with him she might have con- 
tinued for the same end, if her Personal Calling had not recalled her 
home. We find it also allowable to remove, and travel for Merchan- 
dise and Gain-sake ; Daily Bread may be sought from afar. Prov. 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 057 

31. 14. Yea our Saviour approveth travel for Merchants, Matth 13. 45 
when He compareth a Christian to a Merchant man seeking Pearls • 
for he never fetcheth a Comparison from any unlawful Ihino- to illus- 
trate a thing Lawful, the comparison from the unjust Steward and 
from the Thief in the night, not being taken from the injustice of the one 
or the Theft oj the other, but from the Wisdom of the one, and the Sud- 
denness of the other, which in themselves are not unlawful. 

We find Irom Scripture, it's lawful to remove to plant a Collonie that 
is, a Company agreeing together to remove out of their own Countrey, 
and settle a City or Common Wealth elsewhere ; of such a Collonie (as 
is already mentioned) we read in Acts 16. 12, which God blessed and 
prospered, exceedingly and made of it a glorious Church. Nature teach- 
eth Bees to [37] do so, when as the Hive of a Kingdom is so full, that 
Tradesmen cannot live one by another, but eat up one another in this 
case it's lawful to remove: 

But further, God alloweth a man to remove, when he may employ 
his Talents and Gifts better elsewhere, especially when he is not bound 
by any particular engagement to the place where he is ; thus God 
sent Joseph before to preserve the Church. Joseph's Wisdom and 
Spirit was not fit for a Shepherd, but for a Counsellour of State and 
therefore God sent him to Egypt. 

Where people find themselves straitened in point of their opinion, 
no reasonable man will question their call to go where by Law they are 
allowed that Freedom in this point which they themselves would de- 
sire ; this is one great encouragement to any so circumstanced, to 
remove to any of the new Plantations : the interest of which oblioreth 
to lay this as a fundamentall, that no man shall be in any way imposed 
upon in matters of principle ; but have their own freedom without the 
least hazard. 

It will certainly be allowed by all that in the present circumstances 
of the Protestants in [38] France, where the free exercise of their Re- 
ligion is denyed to them, it is very allowable for them to remove where 
without hazard they may live in the free exercise of their own princi- 
ples, being upon that accompt obnoxious to no hazard as guilty of the 
breach of the Law. 

I believe some may object, that no man undertakes this task without 
an extraordinary warrant, such as Abraham had from God, ^0 call him, 
out oJ Mesopotamia to Canaan : their opinion appears to be founded 
upon this argument, that the planting of Collonies is an extraordinary 
work ; and therefore those who undertake it, mustliave an extraordinary 
call. 

In answer to this I think it cannot be granted, that the planting of 
Collonies is an extraordinary work this argument lying strongly against 
it. 

17 



258 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

That duty which is commanded bij a perpetual law, cannot he ac- 
compted extraordinary. 

But the sending out of Collonies is commanded by a perpetual Law. 
Therefore it is no extraordinary duty. 

Now that the commandment is perpetual, [39] hath been proved, first, 
because it was given to Mankind : 2. Because it hath a ground which 
is perpetual, to wit, the emptiness of the earth, which either is so, or may • 
be 60, while the World endures ; for even those places which are full, 
may be emptied by Wars, or sickness, and then an argument passeth 
as strongly the contrary way, the undertaking of an ordinary duty 
needs no other than an ordinary warrant, but such is planting of a 
Collonie as being undertaken by Virtue of a perpetual Law. therefore 
the undertaking to plant a Collonie needs no extraordinary warrant. 

I must grant Abrahani's undertaking was in many things extraordi- 
nary, and therefore needed an immediate direction from God ; he was 
to go alone with his Family and Brethren, to such a certain place far 
distant, possessed already by the Canaanites who were to be expelled, 
that land was to be wholly approj^riate to himself and his Issue, he was 
not to plant it at present, but only to Sojourn in it, and walk through it 
for a time : Now none of these circumstances fit our ordinary collonies : 
and consequently Abrahani's example is nothing to this [40] purpose, 
because the case is different, though in some other things alike. 

It may be further objected, that the Men may adventure upon the 
Work, upon an ordinary Warrant, yet none can give that but the State ; 
therefore it may be judged that a Command from the Highest Authority 
unto such as engage themselves in this Affair is necessary : That the 
State hath power over all her Members to command and dispose of them 
within the hounds of Justice : is more evident than can be denyed : but 
this power is diversely executed, sometimes by Command, sometimes 
by Permission, as in preparations to War; sometimes Men are com- 
pelled to serve, sometimes they are permitted to go Volunteers : some- 
times the Supreme Power takes care of the whole business: sometimes 
as in Musters commits it to Delegates. If the Government then pro- 
claim Liberty to such as will go about such a design, and commit the 
care to themselves, to associate whom they think fit, it cannot be deny- 
ed but the State hath given a sufficient Warrant, as will appear by 
your perusal of the Advertisement published thereanent, adjoined to the 
close hereof 

[41.] Neither does it appear that any State did more, the Romans 
use was to proclaim. That they intended to plant a Collonie of such a 
number in such a place, and as many as would give in their names 
should receive so many Acres of gromid, and ettjoy such other privileges 
as they thought fit to grant them, which they then expressed : those who 
gave in their names were enrolled till the number was full, and then 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. ncn 

they had certain Commissioners appointed to see all things ordered ac- 
cordingly, and every Man put in possession of his Inheritance. Neither 
did the State interpose their Authority, in assigning and choosing out 
the Men, but left it free and voluntary 1o every Man to take or leave 
seeing nothing can bear out the Hazards and inconveniences of such 
undertakings, hut a willing mind. Men can dijest any thing which 
themselves do choose or desire, but a Commandment makes a pleasant 
thing harsh, how much more harsh things intolerable ! 

By what is above written, I apprehend you will find it sufficiently 
cleared, that the prosecuting this Design is warranted from the Word 
of God : it remains for your further satisfaction, as to the reasonable- 
ness thereof to be made no less apparent, that the [42] effectual carry- 
ing on thereof will contribute to the advantage of the Nation in general 
and to the honour and particular interest of those who are active Under- 
takers therein; and I am much in a mistake, if I make not that appear 
as clearly as the other, but before I begin to condescend upon particu- 
lars, I judge you will not find it improper in the first place to offer to 
your consideration a general Survey of the present circumstances of 
the Nation, whereby you will the more e: sily be satisfied of some par- 
ticulars properly to be noticed, for your more clear conviction of the 
truth of this assertion. 

Tho there be some particular parcels of Our Countrey^ here and 
there to be found, which both for the nature of the Soil, and other plea- 
sant and agreeable accommodations, are in themselves sufficiently de- 
sirable, yet where I have the general prospect thereof in my view, I 
find myself obliged to acknowledge it is not among the most fertile 
places oj the world, to say no worse ; but though we cannot compete 
with Our Neighbour Nation as to the fertility of the soil in general, or 
the flourishing of trade ; in some things it will be acknowledged we are 
comparatively nothing inferior to them, this kingdom hath plenty of In- 
habitants, [43] whereof yearly it may cast a Fleece, without the least 
prejudice of the general interest of the Nation, as actually it hath done 
since the year 1618, that the wars began in Germany: it is sufficiently 
known what multitudes of People have gone hence yearly since that time : 
the truth of this will appear to those who consider, that in the Swedish 
Army at one time there were 27 Scottish Colonels, and that Douglas, 
Regiment in France hath since His Majesty^s Restoration, taken hence 
UPWARDS of thirty thousand men, besides what number have during all 
tliat time gone to Flanders and Holland, where there have been three 
Regiments oi Scots Men of standing Forces constantly till this day kept 
in pay, and are at present yet standing ; whereby is occasioned the 
transport of a considerable number of men yearly for their recruits. 

Sir, you may easily consider Avhat an interest Scotland might have 
had in America, had all those who have gone from their native countrey 



260 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

in quest of Honour and Fortunes, to these places, steered their course 
to this Earth : there is hardly any noble family in Scotland, or Gentle- 
men of any note, but ere this time [44] should have had some interest 
in America. 

If these had settled in one place, it should have been a very consid- 
erable CoUonie ere this time. Women also of our own Nation, would 
not have been wanting to these Men, by vfhich the foundation of a very 
flourishing Collonie should have been laid. You know as well as I, that 
Our Countrey People want not their sagacity in Countrey affairs, they 
know abundantly well how to manage their own Business, according to 
their Capacities, they are painfid and laborious, inured to hardship; 
those who know how to make a Lively-hood in this Countrey, will cer- 
tainly know much better how to live in a more Fertile Soil, where their 
Pains and Indvistry would be more plentifidly reicarded, than can be 
expected ^vom.ih.e natural barrenness of our Native Soyl when compared 
with the Fertility of those places in America. 

It is on the other hand sufficiently known to all, who are in the least 
acquainted with Our Scottish Histories, That, Our Gentry, who have 
ordinarily the advantage of Education whereof our Commonality are 
deprived, are in nothing inferior to any Gentry in Europe : by this I 
mean not only [45] Our Nobility and Gentry, and the Eldest Sons their 
Representatives, but the younger of both, to whom it is observed, Na- 
ture gives no less Vivacity of Spirit than to the Elder (if not more,) 
Though by Our Law they are deprived oi^heing proportionably sharers 
in their Fortune : Whence it is, that those of them who have any 
Spirit, sensible of this disadvantage choose rather to go abroad upon 
their own Purchase, than to be obliged to a slavish dependance upon the 
elder Brother for a Lively-hood, which by the custom of the Country, 
these of no Spirit are frequently engaged to, how insignificant so ever, 
he may be. 

I desire to know if a more easy or honourable way could be proposed ? 
Or a more probable mean to expect a comfortable Lively-hood, than with 
what small Fortune will be allowed by their Parents, (from the elder 
Brothers Estate) to be settled in such a place as America as shall be 
judged a proper seat for those who go upon such a Design from this Na- 
tion ? Their Parents can alwayes with ease provide them with a con- 
venient number of the Commonality, as servants, who in this Countrey 
can never be wanting to Gentlemen. Our Common [46] People will 
quickly come to understand their particular interest in this affair, 
seeing after their four years service, they may rationally propose to live 
more plentifully and more at ease, after a vei-y little moderate pains and 
labour, then they can do at home when they have spent their whole time, 
after the ordinary method of this countrey, according to the accustomed 
slavish toyl they are iised to. 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. ogl 

I am ready upon very good ground to believe that within a few 
years, the elder brothers left at home entangled in the ordinary debts of 
the Family: and so in a manner what by that ami what by the other 
piiblick burthens, engaged in a most slavish life, when he is- every morn- 
ing in the reverence of his Creditors ; will quickly come to envy the 
happiness of the younger brothers in America, -whan they come to be 
informed in what plenty they live, recreating themselves wJth no less 
pleasant, than harmless divertisements that Countrey in great plenty af- 
fords, and divertising primitive recreations, where every one shall have 
such a competent sufficiency for himself, as he shall not have the least 
occasion oi envying his Neighbour upon accompt of his fortune [47] each 
having for himself what in reason can be judged a comfortable accom- 
modation. 

But however weighty this consideration may be, I leave the further 
prosecuting thereof to ofler to your serious thoughts, a point of no less 
moment, as being in my weak judgment more material, and of greater 
weight in these times, than the other: at^e not distractions of this King- 
dom, anent matters of Opinion, in reference to Church Government, come 
to that height that the sad and fatal consequences thereof are astonishing 
to all sober persons : many who upon some scruple, cannot comply with 
the present Model of Govejiiment, are yet co) founded and ashamed, to 
consider the unwarrantable practices of some, who give theinselves out as 
owning their principles, while their inhuman and barbarous practices are 
a scandal not only to the Protestant Religion, but inconsistant with 
Christianity, Yea, Humanity itself! what the further residt of these dif- 
ferences shall be, I will not take upon me to determine [48] only the con- 
sequences are like to be not a little prejudicial to the Protestant Reli- 
gion ; each of the Parties endeavours to blame the other, without any 
design of Accommodation, or yielding one to another. There is nothing 
impossible to the Omnipotent Power, But a reconciliation of the differ- 
ences among our Churchmen appears improbable in the highest degree : 
So fixed both Parties do seem to be in their own Principles. If Mack- 
quai'e and Drown vent publickly the justification of their Tenets, for the 
further encouragement of their own Party, in opposition to Uie. other 
The Bishop of St. Asaph will not be behind witJi them, seeing rather 
than not to have the occasion of reaching them a blow, he chooseth af- 
frontedly in the face of the World, to cuff off from his Native Prince, 
Fourty of his Royal Ancestors. I desire not to reflect upon any of his 
Lo : Character, but I may be allowed witliout giving offence to say, 
whatever demonstration his Lo : hath given in that piece of reading, he 
hath evidenced small sense of gratitude to so bountiful a Prince, to whom 
he owed so much, to have so treated him ; as his malice against our Na- 
tion is thereby made [49] sufficiently apparent, so you now see his gross 
ignorance in that particular laid open to the world by a very ingenious 



262 ''^HE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

Pen (Sir G. Mc K*) which probably may have their effect upon his 
Lo : as to oblige him for the future to treat in matters wherein he is 
more versant, and which are more becoming a Gown man, than sopub- 
lickly to endeavour to affront a Nation, hy injuring their King and his 
own. 

But to return from this degression, you see so it is now judged the 
interest of the Government altogether to suppress the Presbyterian 
Principles ; and that in order thereto, the whole force and bensill oi 
the Law of this Kingdom, are levelled at the effectual bearing them 
down, that the rigorous putting these Laws in execution, hath in a 
great part ruined many of these, who notwithstanding thereof find 
themselves in conscience obliged to retain these principles ; while in 
the other hand Episcopacy is by the same Laws supported and pro- 
tected. I would gladly know what other rational medium can be 
proposed in their circumstances than either to comply with the Govern- 
m,ent, by going what length is required by Law, in conforming ; or to 
retreat where by Law a Toleration is by His Majestie allowed ; such a 
[50] retreat doth at present offer itself in America; and is nowhere 
else to be found in His Majesties Dominions. I would be informed if 
such as cannot comply with the present Laws would not act more ra- 
tionally, to bestow what is left them in making an interest in that place, 
transporting themselves thither where they are by law allowed the free 
exercise of their principles, heaide what other accommodations they may 
upon just grounds propose to themselves, rather than by still living 
where they are resolved not to comply with the Government, expose 
themselves wholly to ruin which appears absolutely inevitable other- 
wayes than by a full compliance with the Laws, whereby may be 
obviated the penalty such will otherwayes be lyable to, the exacting 
whereof will certainly tend to their ruin in the close. 

And to conclude, you will find no small ground of further encourage- 
ment to such as are resolved effectually to bestir themselves in carrying 
on this design, from the consideration of the great success of the only 
undertaking of this Nature this Kingdom was ever concerned in ; 
whereby is made clearly evident that we want not people for manage- 
ing such [a] design. It was but about the latter end of King James 
the sixth [51] his dayes, that we began to be concerned in sending 
some people to Irclarid, and yet the small beginning that design had, 
from the undertaking of a very few Gentlemen, hath come this length 
that I am informed by Creditable Authors, that Kingdom this day could 
bring to the fields an hundred thousand of our countreymen : Yea. I had 
an accompt thence lately from an acquaintance of mine, who was seri- 
ous in advancing this design, That the Province of Ulster, where most 

* Sir George Mc Kenzie. Ed. 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 263 

of our Nation are seated, cordd spare Foiirty thousand Men and Wovien 
to an America Plantation, and be sufficientlij Peopled itself. The Gen- 
tleman who gave me this Information, is since settled in Maryland 
the accompt he sends of that Countrey is so encouraging that I hear a 
great many of his Acquaintances are making for that Voyage ; one 
thing is considerable in this to be observed, that the difficulties of such 
an undertaking were iar more terriiying at that time, than now to our 
Countrey Men, seeing a Voyage from the West of Scotland to Ireland, 
not 16 hours sailing, was then more formidable generally to People 
who otherwise Avould have undertaken willingly the Voyage, [52] than 
now from Lieth to AmeHca. whither several Ships have gone without 
the least discouraging accident. 

But now to come to the Answer of your most material Question, to 
wit : What /judge the most proper place in America, for a seat to those 
who would resolve to go hence upon such a Design. For your satisfac- 
tion in this, I shall very freely tell you my own opinion, that having for 
some time made it my work to consider all the Coast of America, from 
the River of Canada Northerly to the River o^ Mary Southerly, in that 
part of Florida now called Carolina; having in my search had the 
opportunity of informing myself of the different nature of the soils, the 
temperature of the Climate, the healthfulness of the places, the Consti- 
tutions of the several Governments, the conveniences of Access, the 
advice given to Phaeton, appears very apposite, medio tidissimus ibis ; 
and so East Jersey, upon the River of Hudson, is the place I find myself 
obliged to prefer to any other of the English Plantations upon that 
coast ; upon some or other if not most of the above named considera- 
tions. 

That you may be convinced of the truth of this, I here send you 
what description! have [53] of that place, as it is narrated in a Treatise 
there anent, emitted lately by the Scots Proprietors ; I send you also 
the doubles of several letters, from thence, all agreeing in one, to the 
advantage of that place, confirming all spoken in the said Treatise : 
after your perusal of what does follow, you will see whether I have 
ground or not to make this choise. 

It is time now to show how some of our Countrymen, in order to 
[advance ?] so advantageous a Project, have already purchased a con- 
siderable Interest in a Plantation, which is justly esteemed not Infe- 
riour, if not beyond, any place upon the whole continent of Ame7-icM, 
belonging to the English Dominions, called East- New- Jersey. The 
deduction of the right of it is this: 

The King by Patent to the Duke of York granted a great tract of 
Land lying betwixt Virginia and New England. It was formerly in 
the hand of the Dutch, and considerably improved by them, and called 
New Netherlands, And by treaty after the &rst Dutch Wars, Surrendered 



264 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

to the King tliat part of it lying betwixt Delaware and Hudsons River 
called New-Cesaria, or New Jersey ; which is betwixt the 39 and 41 
Degree Northern Latitude ; was by the [54] Duke of York granted to 
John Lord Berkley and Sir George Carteret, That part which be- 
longed to the Loixl Berkley, being assigned to Edward Byllinge ; after- 
wards, by a deed of Partition betwixt the said Edward Byllinge and 
Sir George Carteret. The West Part lying upon Delaware River, was 
allotted to Edward Byllinge for his share, and the Ea^t part lying upon 
Hudson's River nearest to the Province of New York, was appointed 
to Sir George Carteret for his share ; Which part, now called East- 
New-Jersey, is from Sir George Carteret conveyed to twelve Persons in 
and about London, who have since conveyed an half to other twelve, 
eo that as well the Right of Government as the soyl, standeth now in 
24 Proprietors, in favour of some of whom the Duke of York has been 
lately pleased to make a new Grant of Confirmation, both of Soyl and 
Government to the twenty-four Proprietors, with the same Power and 
Priviledges, he has in his Patent from the King, which are as large as 
any other Plantation hath, for the Words of the Dukes Patent are as 
followeth : 

[55.] The Patent from the King, to James Duke of York, ^c. 

[Then follows the patent, extending to the second line of the sixty- 
fiftli page, inclusive, which it is considered unnecessary to insert, as 
its tenor is given in several other works, and the whole of it in Leam- 
ing and Spicers Grants and Concessions, p. 3 ; agreeing with the copy 
given in the " Model," excepting that the latter bears date 29th June 
instead of 12th March, the true date ; a discrepancy for which it is im- 
possible to account. Ed.] 

The Scots Proprietors are the Earl of Perth, Lord High Chancel- 
lour of Scotland, his Brother, the Viscount of Melford, Secretary of 
State for this Kingdom, and the Viscount of Tarbet, Lord Register ; 
Five hundred thousand Acres, beirrg seven parts of the 24 belongs to 
these three, and some other Gentlemen. 

This Province or Collonie lyes betwixt 39 and 41 Degrees of Lati- 
tude, being about 12 Degrees more to the Sodth than the City of Lon- 
don. It is in the same Climate with the Kingdom of Naples, and Mont- 
pelier in France. The Summer is hotter, and longer than in England, 
and the Winter colder and shorter, the dayes about an hour longer in 
Winter, and as much shorter in Summer. Is bounded Soiith East with 
the Maine Sea, East by that vast Navigable Stream called Hvdson''s 
River, which divides this from the Province of New York, West by a 
Line of Division which separates this Province from West-Jersey, and 
North upon the Maine Land ; And extends itself in length upon the 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 265 

Sea coast and along Hudson^ s River, one [66] hundred English miles 
and upwards. 

The Situation of this Countrey is just, as it were, in the Centre of 
the English plantatiom in America, betwixt the South parts of Carolina 
which is over hot; and the Nortli parts o? Pemaqiud, next New Scot 
land which are coldest ; so that its convenience of situation, tempera- 
ture of the Aire, and fertility of the Soy! is such, that there is no less 
than seven Towns considerable already, {viz) Shrewsbury, Middletown, 
Berghen, New-wark, Elizabeth-town, Woodbridge, and Piscataway, 
which are well inhabited by a sober and industrious people, who have 
necessary provisions for themselves and families, and for the comfortable 
entertainment of Travellers and Strangers. 

And the Q,uit-rents or Fewes (as they are called) of these Towns 
and other plantations, already in the Countrey, yields to the 24 Proprie- 
tors about 500 lib : sterling, yearly Revenue, and the Air of this CoUony 
is experimentally found generally to agree well with English Constitu- 
tions, and consequently with ours. 

For Navigation it hath these advantages, not only to be situate along 
the navigable [67] parts of Hudsons River, but lyes also fifty miles 
along the Main Sea, and near the midst of this Province is that noted 
Bay for Ships within Sandy Hook, very well known not to be inferiour 
to any Harbour in America, where ships not only harbour in greatest 
storms, but there Ride safe with all Winds, and sail in and out thence 
as well in Winter as Summer. For Fishery the Sea-banks are very 
well stored with variety of Fishes, not only such as are profitable for 
Exportation, but such as are fit for Food there; There are Uliales, 
Codfish, Colling, and Hakefish, and large Mackerel, and also many 
other sorts of small Flatfish. The Bay also, and Hudsons River, are 
plentifully stored with Sturgeon and other Scale fish. Eels, and Shell- 
fish, as Oysters, in abundance. 

This Countrey is also plentifully supplied with Lively-springs. Riv- 
ulets, Inland Rivers, and creeks, which fall into the Sea, and Hudson's 
River ; in which also there is varietie of Fresh-fish and water Fowl, 

There are little hills from Rariton River, which is about the middle 
of this Province, that go to the very North West bounds of [68] it, in 
which are abundant of good Mill Stones to be had. and there are many, 
both Corn and Saw Mills set and setting up already, also on the other 
side of these Mountains, there are brave fresh Rivuleta, fit for setting of 
In-Land Towns, and a great deal of Meadow-ground upon the banks 
thereof so that there is abundance of Hay to be had for Fodering of 
Cattle in the Winter time ; and these Meadows show the Countrey ia 
not altogether covered with Timber. 

Its true, the first difficulty meets People in Planting there, is the 



266 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

cutting down Wood (Tho having some Meadow intermixt already, well 
covered with Hay, is a great ease) yet the trouble is compensed by the 
advantage, which the timber, being cut down, yields, being good Oake, 
fit for Shipping and Masts : and also Chesnuts, Walnut, Poplar, Cedar, 
Ash, Fir ; And also, by the fertility of the Soyl, being cleared, which 
yields a vast increase not only o^ Indian Corn, which is a very whole- 
some Food, but of English grain, as Wheat and Barley ; whereof it 
usually yields betwixt the 20 and 30;/i fold, and with far less labour 
(the timber being once removed) than in Britain. And to show the 
labour of cutting down the Trees, and clearing the ground, is not so 
great as [69] some may Imagine ; It is known by experience, that two 
men arriving there in September or October, may clear as much ground 
as usually brings by Harvest following twenty (Quarters, that is about 
40 Scots Bolls of grain. 

This Countrey also, produceth good Flax and Hemp, which they 
now Spin, and Manufacture into Linnen Cloth, and the very Barrens 
there (as they are called) are not like most in Britain, but produce 
Grass fit for Grazing Cattle in Summer time. There is also upon 
Ground (already cleared) store of good English Clover Grass grow- 
ing ; the Countrey is well stored with wild Deer, Conies, and wild Fowl 
of several sorts, as Turkeys, Pigeons, Partridges, Plovers, Q,uails, wild 
Swans, and Geese, Ducks in great plenty. It produceth variety ofgood 
and delicious Fruits : as Grapes, Plums, Mulberries, and also Appri- 
cocks, Peaches, Pears, Apples, Q,uinches, Water Mellons, which are in 
England planted in orchards and Gardens, but grow there with far 
less labour ; and many more Fruits, which come not to perfection in 
England, are the more natural product of this Countrey. It is thought 
Olives would grow well there, and [there] being store of [70] Mulberry 
Trees, Silk worms would do well there : for they were tryed in Vir- 
ginia, and proved very well, if the laziness of the People, and there 
being wholly set upon Tobacco, and the Interest of Merchants who 
were afraid it might spoil their Silk-Trade from the Straits, had not 
hindered. 

To shew how Fruit-Trees do advance in that Countrey, it is credi- 
bly reported: that about Burlingtown, in West Jersey, which is [more?] 
Northerly than the greatest part of this Province, from an Apple-tree 
Seed in four years, (without grafting) there sprung a tree, that in the 
fourth year bore such quantity of Apples, as yielded a barrell of Syder. 
There is there also, great store of Horses, Cows, Hoggs, and some 
Sheep, which may be bought at reasonable prices with English money, 
or English Commodities ; or man's labour where goods and money 
are wanting. 

For Minerals, It is thought there are not wanting of several sorts, 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. gg^ 

For there is an Iron work already set up, where there is good Iron 
made ; And also, there is discovered already abundance of Black 
Lead. 

[71] It is exceeding well furnished with safe convenient Harbours 
for shipping, which is of great advantage ; and affords already for Ex- 
portation, great plenty of Horses, and also Beef, Pork, Pipe staves, 
Bread, Flour, Wheat, Barley, Rye, Indian Corn, Butter, and Cheese ; 
which they export for Barbadoes, Jamaica, Nevis, and other adjacent 
Islands, as also to Portugal, Spain, and the Canarijes ; their IMiale (hjl, 
and Whale Fins, Beaver, Mink, Raccoon, and Martine-skins {\\\\\c\\ tliis 
Countrey produces) they transport for England. 

The Indian Natives in this Countrey are but few comparative to the 
Neighbouring Collonie ; and these that are there, are so far from being 
Formidable, and injurious to the Planters and Inhabitants, that they are 
really serviceable and advantageous to them, not only in hunting, and 
taking the Deer, and all other wild Creatures, and catching of Fish, and 
Fowl fit for food, in their seasons; But in the killing and destroying of 
Bears, Wolves, Foxes, and other Vermin, whose Skins and Furs they 
bring the English, and sell them at less price than the value of the time 
[81] that people must spend to take them. Like as — that this Collonie 
may be founded in Justice, and without any thing of Oppression, — all 
that is already Planted is truly Purchased from the Indians, so there is 
a great deal more of the Province cleared by their consent ; and all is 
intended by paction with them to be obtained ; so that whoever Pur- 
chases, or Plants under the Proprietors: shall be freed of that incum- 
brance : and if there were any hazard from the Indians, and really tliere 
is none, yet this Province could hardly be in any danger: In respect 
that to the North, upon the Main Land, from whence the hazard if any 
must come, the Province of New York comes betwixt it and them, and 
20 miles and more, above upon Hudsons River, there is a Fort called 
New Albany. 

There were Constitutions of Government made by the Lord Berk- 
ley, and Sir George Carteret, in which such provision was made, both 
for Liberty of Religion, and Property, that the Province hath been con- 
siderably Peopled and many resorted there from the Neighbouring Col- 
lonies, so that the Planters are able already to Muster 500, well Armed 
Men. 

[73] [Then follow " The Concessions" — which it was deemed unne- 
cessary to insert here, as they are preserved in " New Jersey Grants 
and Concessions" — the Elizabethtown Bill in Chancery, and in Smith's 
History, and their purport given in several other works ; Tliey occupy 
of the book from page 73 to (7th line of) page 101, inclusive. Ed.] 

By this Constitutional Government by the Lord Berkley, and Sir 
George Carteret, such provision is made both for Liberty of Religion 



258 "^^^ MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

and Property, that the Province hath been considerably peopled ; many 
resorting thither from the Nei ghbo^cring Collonies^ beside what have 
gone from Englaiid and this Kingdom, within this few years, so that 
the planters are able to muster 600 well Armed Men. — The Proprietors 
have framed a new Scheme of Government, which is not yet fully con- 
cluded on, but it is intended rather to be an enlarging, than an abbre- 
viation of the former, and making more easy, and advantageous for the 
Inhabitants, the chief parts of it are. — 

That the 24 Proprietors shall choose a [102] Governour, 16 of them 
have a conclusive Vote in it, after the death of him now chosen, he 
shall continue but for 3 years, and be lyable to the Censure of the Pro- 
prietors and great Council, and punishable if he transgresses. There is a 
great Council to meet once a year (and sit, if they see meet, for three 
Months) consisting of the 24 Proprietors, and 28 chosen by the Plant- 
ers, and Inhabitants, two thirds Conclude, the one half of the Proprie- 
tors assenting ; and no ononey can be raised, or Laic made, to touch 
any mans Liberty or Property but by this Coimcil. There is a Com- 
mon Council to sit constantly, Consisting of the 24 Proprietors, or their 
Proxies, and nine chosen out of the Representative of the Planters, in 
all 33, to be divided into three Committees, 11 to each, one for the Pub- 
lick Policy ; One for the Treasury and Trade, and one for Plantations. 

To avoid Lording over one another. No man can purchase above 
the 24th part of the Countrey ; and on the other hand, least any should 
squander away their Interest, and yet retain the character of the Gov- 
ernment that belongs to Property, and thence be capable to betray it, 
as not being bound by Interest, [103] there must be a suitable quantity 
retained, otherwise the Title in the Government extinguishes in him, 
and passes to another, to be Elected by the Proprietors, that Dominion 
may follow Property, and the inconveniency of a Beggarly Nobility and 
Gentry may be avoided. 

No man can be judged in any cause, either Civil, or Criminal, but 
by a Jury of his Peers, and to avoid in that all Caballing, tlie names 
of all the County or Neighborhood, Capable to be Chosen, are to be 
writ on little pieces of Parchment, and the number of the Jury to be 
taken out by a Child under 10 years of age. And the Proprietors as 
well as others are to be lyable to the like iryall, and not under any 
Exception. 

Liberty in matters of Religion is established in the fullest manner. 
To be a Planter or Inhabitant, nothing is required but the acknowledg- 
ing of One Almighty God, and to have a Share in the Goi^ernment, a 
simple profession of faith of Jesus Christ, without descending into any 
other of the differences among Christians, only that Religion may not be 
a cloak for disturbance; who ever comes into the Magistrature. must 
declare [104] they hold not themselves in conscience obliged, for Religions 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. Ofig 

sake, to make an alteration, or to endeavour to turn out their partners 
in the Government, because they differ in Opinion from them. ;in.i this is 
no more than to follow that great Rule, To do as they wmdd he d„nr by. 
These are the Fundamentals, which are not alterable by any Act 
of the great Council, as other things, by the voices of 2 thirds, but only 
by an universal agreement; so it is hoped that this hint will satisly all 
sober and understanding people, what Encouragement such a Govern- 
ment may give. 

For Husband-men that have a stock, able to transport themselves 
and Families, with a few servants, and to have but a 100 pound Scots 
or a 100 Merks more, to carry over in Commodities, they shall Ijave 
upon their arrivall 100 Acres of good ground, measured out to tliem, or 
above, not exceeding 500 Acres : And for their encouragement, shall 
for the first 7 years pay nothing, and then have what they please not 
under 100, nor exceeding 500 Acres, confirmed to them, and their heirs 
for ever, paying half a Crown [penny ?] an Acre, never to be raised 
upon them: And [105] for the Charge of the first year, they may 
easily Calculate, carrying over as much Oat-nieal as will serve them 
Bread, and the freight will be inconsiderable, and they will o-et flesh 
enough in the Countrey for killing without charge, and will be able to 
clear more ground the first winter, than will doubly serve their Families 
after the first harvest, so that they will only have to buy, with the Com- 
modities they carry over with them, seed and Beasts. 

The Charge of transportation, is, for every Man or Woman 5. lib, 
sterling, passage and entertainment ; for Children under 10 years of 
age, 50 shillings ; and sucking children nothitig ; 40 shillings for th; 
tun of goods, and often under. 

The Voyage is judged less Sea. hazardous than either to Holland or 
Londo7i, and if there be any tolerable winds, it is easily made in 6 weeks. 
There went a ship last harvest to West Jersey, from the Road of Aber- 
deen, and they came to Delaware River mouth in 8 weeks, though they 
had great Calmes; and of betwixt 30 and 40 Passengers that went out 
of Aberdeen, several women and children, not above 4 of them had been 
at Sea before, not one dyed, nor was sick by the way. 

[106.] For Ordinary servants, who are willing to go over, after ^ 
years service from the time of their arrival there, during which time they 
shall be well entertained in meat and clnathing, they shall have set out 
to each 25 Acres to them and theirs forever, paying 2 pence an Acre, aa 
much Corn as will sow an Acre, and a suit of new cloaths : Now, con- 
sidering that there is 5 pound sterling payed for their Passage, these 
are good terms, and then, after the term of their service is expired, they 
will gain more in one year there than they can do in two at home, 
towards the gaining of a Stock to their land ; and it may be easily con- 
ceived that they will be well treated by their Masters, since it is their 



270 



THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT, 



Interest to do so there more than here, for that they would be Considerable 
Losers either by their Death, or sickness, being out so great an advance 
for them, if by any hardship, they shall be disabled to serve out their times. 
All sorts of Tradesmen may make a brave lively-hood there, such as 
Carpenters. Ship-wrights, Rope-makers^ Smiths, Brick-makers, Taylors^ 
Tanners, Coopers, Mill-wrights, Joyners, Shoe makers, &c., and any 
such like, who are [107] wilUng to go serve the four years, not having to 
transport themselves, shall in consideration of their trade, have (after 
the expiring of their Service) 30 Acres, 2 pence the Acre, as much Corn 
as will sow 2 Acres, a cow and a Sow, and lor the encouragement of any 
such Tradesmen, who are willing to go over and transport themselves, 
they shall have the like quantity of Land, at the same rent, and the 
Proprietors will oblige themselves to find them work for a year after 
their arrival, at as good Rates as they can have here, untill they furnish 
themselves with some stock to make better advantage upon the Place. 
We will not encourage any to go there in expectation of Gold and 
Silver rnines : yea, tho tiiere were such in the Countrey, we should not 
be curious nor industrious to seek them out : being besides the Toyl 
and Labour, but occasions [of] envy, and Emulation : Nor yet is there 
Suo-ar or Indigo there, or Cotton, nor any store of Tobacco, tho it grows 
there very well, But we consider it not our interest to employ much 
ground on it : The Riches of this Countrey Consists in that which is most 
Substantial and necessary for the use of men, to wit Plenty of Corn and 
Cattle, (and they have [108] besides Vines, and Fruits in abundance 
as before has been said,) so they who dwell here, need not be obliged to 
any other Plantation, for any thing necessary for Life : and all other 
Plantations are beholden to them tor necessaries, without which, their 
other Curiosities would little avail them : This with the Province of 
New York, being the Granary or Store house of the West Indies, without 
which Darbadoes and the Leeward Islands could not subsist; Yea 
New England is forced to come there every year for Corn, this with the 
advantao-e of Fishery, being considered, will easily induce Sober and 
industrious People to prefer a Plantation here to most other places. 

[The Duke of York's grant to the twenty-four Proprietors, is then 
inserted in the original work, occupying to the 125th page inclusive, 
with which historians are conversant from its being incorporated in 
Smith's History of the Province, as well as in Learning and Spicer's 
Compilation of Grants, &c. Ed.] 

[126.] Sir: — By what is above written, I hope you are sufficiently 
convinced of the justness of the Title of the Proprietors, to what is con- 
tained in the Patent granted by the late King of happy memory, to hie 
Royal Brother James Duke of York, now our Most Gracious Sovereign, 
And now conveyed by him as you see ; as also, that by the constitution 
of tlie Government, those who subject themselves thereto may rationally 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. ^ll 

jara 



propose comfortable and peaceable life, witbout any just ground of Fer 
of any encroaclunent upon tlieir properties or liberties, even in matters 
of Opinion, when the Proprietors are so far by their own concessions, 
from exempting themselves from being subject to the Law, that they 
declare themselves lyable thereto, as the meanest Inhabitants are, by 
one of tlie fundamental Constitutions. It remains to give you also good 
grovuid to believe the above written discription of the place to be con- 
sonant to truth, and 1 shall oiler you no other proof of this than what 
sufficiently convinced myself, that there can hardly be any cheat in the 
[127] alfair, to wit, the perusal of the following Letters from that place, 
which I have been at great pains to collect ibr my own satisfaction in 
the particular. Yea, I have been so niuch upon my guard that I might 
not be imposed upon in this, that I have myself seen the principals of 
them, when you consider they come from several hands, at several times, 
from People of Different persuasions, and yet not the least contradiction 
to be observed, amongst them all ; and that the accompt given therein to 
the Generall Advantage of the Countrey, is homelogat by severall Gen- 
tlemen and Merchants, in this city, who to myself have Declared they 
have been eye witnesses to the truth of the most materiall Passages in 
these accompts narrated to the advantage of the place, I hope you will 
find yourself obliged to rest satisfied therewith.— 

[128] An account of the settled Towns, and most part of the Planta- 
tions, or Tract of Land, taken up in the Province of East New Jersey, 
beginning at the outer most Southerly parts towards the Sea; so going 
up Northerly on Hudsons River to its utmost extent. This was the Con- 
dition of the Province Anno, 1680, Given under the hand of Captain 
NichoUs, Secretary of the Duke in New York. 

Shrewsbury. A Town in that Province lyes without Sandy-pointy 
and hath the farthest plantation to the Southward. Its situate on the 
side of a River not far from its entrance, and extends up into the Land a 
Uttle distant from the said River, about eight miles, near unto Colonel 
Morris, his Iron Mill and Plantatio7i. 

There is within its Jurisdiction Colonel Mori^is his Manour, being 

of thousand Acres, wherein are his Iron Mills, his Manours, and 

divers other buildings for his Servants and dependants there, together 
with [129] 60 or 70 Negros about the Mill and Husbandry in that 
Plantation.— There are diverse out-plantations, accounted to belong to 
the Jurisdiction of the Town, some in necks of Land by the Sea side, 
within Land, and towards Middletown-honniis, and others on the north 
side of the River, below Colo7iel Morris his Iron Mills : The computa- 
tion of Acres taken up by the Town may be 10,000 Acres, and wliat is 
taken up by Colonel Morris, and the other out-plantations, 20,000 Acres, 
the number of the Families in Town are 80, and of Inhabitants, Men 
Women and Children 400. 



272 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

Middletown is next, 10 or 12 miles over land, northward from Colonel 
Morris his Iron Mills, being 9 or 10 miles up from the entrance of that 
River : that which is properly the Town may consist of 100 Families, and 
of Inhabitants 500 ; and of Acres taken up for the Town 10,000 ; and 
for the several Out-Plantations 20,000. — 

This was the second place settled in till Nicholls time, 1664, but 
there are many considerable Plantations within the Jurisdiction of that 
Town, viz. : Captain John Brown and [130] others that first settled, 
who removed out of the Town and settled greater plantations abroad, 
Richard Hartshorn hath a Plantation, with considerable land belonging 
to it, part within, and part without Sandy Hook, which with a part of 
Cofiey Islajid, and Long- Island opposite to it, makes the entrance into the 
Bay that goes up to New York, and also to the Lands of East New 
Jersey ; the Town is above 5 miles from the entrance of the Creek or 
River that goes up to it from the Bay. 

There was a Plantation on the North side of the Creek at its entrance, 
first settled by Nicolas Davis, having a large tract of land belonging to 
it of 2 or 3000 Acres, since divided to divers, besides several Out-planta- 
tions ; and there is a great deal of waist Land, and other Improvable, 
betwixt this and Piscattaway for about 20 miles. There was a court 
of Sessions held twice or thrice a year for these two Towns, and their 
Jurisdictions. 

Thirdly. Piscattaway Lyes next 25 or 26 miles from Middletown, 
Its up Rariton River 5 or 6 mile westward in, and there is about half 
mile within Land. The entrance into Rariton River is at the bottom 
[131] of the Southern bay, and opposite to the Southermostpointof *Sto^e« 
Island, the Northwest point of the entrance is called Amboy point, 
where is a fair tract of Land formerly reserved by the proprietor for his 
own use. 

There are several Plantations all along on the North side of the 
River as you goe up to the Town, and some on the South side, among 
which are considerable belonging to one Thomas Lawrence, a baker at 
New York, his wife's son, about 3000 Acres. 

Up higher on Rariton River, near the falls which are about 3 miles 
over land, there are severall Plantations, a good big vessel loaden may 
goe up to the falls, and so may above it for several miles in the River, 
at the falls its fordable for horses and other cattle, unless in gieat Floods, 
when men may goe over in boats and Canoes, and horses will swim 
over though the River be a good breadth. 

About the falls, there are severall tracts of Lands, some upon one 
side, some on the other side of the River, viz. : a place called by the 
Indians Rachahova- Wallaby, Captain John Palmer of Staten Island, 
Mr. Thomas Coddrington, Mr. White a7id [132] Company, Merchants at 
New York, in part settled there on 6 or 7000 Acres : Mr. John Robi- 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. Q-3 

son, Mr. Samuel Edscdl and Company, of New York, on 6 ot-VOOO Acres; 
Captain Palmer, Mr. White, Captain Corsen, and Company, on 5 or 
6000 Acres. 

Tfiere is some other Land taken up by Milstone River, which comes 
into Rariton River, and is near the middle bounds between the two 
Provinces of East and West Jersey. You pass Milstone River to goe 
over Land from Piscataway to Meltinsea, [?] an Island in Delaware 
River, which is near Burlingtoicn. 

The Town Consists of about 80 Families, and of about 400 Inhabi- 
tants ; and of Acres about the Town about 10,000, and tor the Out- 
Plantations 30,000. 

Woodbridge is over Land from Piscattaway about 7 or 8 miles ; it 
lies up a River, the entrance whereof is about 5 or 6 miles to [133] the 
North of Amboy Point, the tide ebbing and flowing betwixt the Main 
Land of New Jersey and Staten Island on the West side, as it doth on 
the East side of the said Island and Long Island. 

On the South side of the entrance into the River or Creek, Mr. 
Delapairs* Surveyor Generall hath a neat Plantation, and he hath 
severall tracts of Land in the Province. There are other Plantations 
on the South side of the River, or Creek, within Land, and divers on 
the North side, lying along the water side opposite to Staten Island, 
until you come to a Creek or River that divides their bounds from 
those of Elizabeth Town ; the mouth of it being 8 or 9 miles from Wood- 
bridge. 

There are severall Plantations on the South side of the Creek, to 
the Road that goes along from Woodbridge to the Town, and passeth 
over that River, it being tordable over the Plantation on the North side. 
Sailing to Elizabeth Town, It's reckoned from one town to the other, 
about 15 or 16 miles, over Land, but its more by water. This Town 
pretends to have more priviledges [134J than any other Town in the 
Province, and hath a Charter of Corporation. It hath a Court house, 
and a prison built on their charge. It consists of about 120 FamiUes, 
and 600 Inhabitants. The Acres taken up by the Town, may be about 
10,000, and for the Out-plantations about 20,000. 

Elizabeth Town is the first new place that was settled in 1664, by 
virtue of a patent from Mr. Nicolls to Captain John Baker, before the 
Lord Berkley, and Sir George Carterefs Title was known. This Town 
lies up 3 miles within a Creek, the entrance whereof is opposite to the 
Northwest end of Staten Island. 

There are several Out-plantations on the North end of the River 

* De la Pierre, and La Prie, appear to have been names sometimes borne by 
Robert Vanquellin. — Ed. 

18 



274 THE MODEL OP THE GOVERNMENT 

which divides the bounds between this Town and Woodbridge, particu- 
larly where the roads pass over, to which place is about 7 or 8 miles. 

There are other plantations at the point or entrance of the Creek, 
on the North side of it, commonly called Governour CartereVs point, 
where there is another farme, between the proprietor and him. Its but 
a narrow passage there [135] over to the meadows of Stolen Island, 
then on Northward there are other Plantations fronting to the Bay that 
lies to the North part of Staten Island, besides some other within Land, 
from the Town to New York bounds. 

There is in this Town a house, orchards and farm, within the Town 
in partnership between the Proprietor and Governour, Philip Carteret, 
it being one of the first houses built there, and hath all along been the 
resident of the Governour, untill of late he hath finished his New house. 

The Town is built on both sides of the Creek, and consists of 150 
Families, and of 700 Inhabitants. The Acres taken up by the Town 
are computed to be 10,000, and for the Out Plantations 30,000. 

Newark, alias Milford, is a Town distant to the Northward over 
Land from Elizabeth Town, about 6 or 7 miles. — It lyes on a River 
called Newark River, which emptieth itself into the Bay about 4 or 5 
miles down : opposite to the Town on the North side of the River lyeth 
a great tract [136] of Land belonging to Mr. Kingsland and Captain 
Sandford, the quit rents whereof are purchased. 

There is another tract of Land taken up higher on the River by 
Captain Berry, who hath disposed of a part of it. There are several 
Plantations settled there. Its said he hath about 10,000 Acres there ; 
further up the water, is an Island of about 1000 Acres belonging to Mr. 
Christopher Hoogland of Newark, if it be not an Island, it is tyed by a 
very narrow slip of Land to the Continent. 

Above that again is a greater tract of Land, above 8 or 9000 Acres, 
purchased by lease of the Governour, according to the Concessions, by 
Captain Jacques Castelayne, and partners. Who have begun some 
settlement — 

All these tracts of Land are within the Jurisdiction of Newark. 

In this Town hath been a Court of Session, held between this and 
Elizabeth Town. It is the most compact Town in the Province, and 
consists of about 100 Families, and of [137] about 500 hundred Inhabi- 
tants. The Acres taken up by the town may be about 10,000, and for 
the Out-plantations, over and above beside Mr. Kingslands, and Cap- 
tain Sandfords, 40,000 Acres. 

At the bottom of the Bay upon Over-peck Creek, side near Hacken- 
sack River, There is a River settled by severall Valleys, having a 
brave Mill belonging to it ; they have taken up a brave piece of Land 
into their plantations, for the which Mr, Nicolls of New York hath a 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 275 

patent, but gave leave to their settlement at the request of Governour 
Carteret^ on promise of as much more in a better place. 

Near unto Snake hill is a brave Plantation, on a piece of Land 
almost an Island, containing 1000 or 1200 Acres, belonging to Mr. 
Pinhnriie a Merchant at New York, and one Edward Eickbe. Its well 
improved and Stockt, Mr. Pinhorne payed for his half 500 lib. There 
are other Plantations upon Hackensack River, which goes a great way 
up tiie Countrey, almost North West, there are other also on the East 
side of another creek or River, at Hackensack River. 

[138J There is a large neck or Tract of Land for which one Mrs. Sarah 
Kierstead of New York hath a Patent, given her by an old Indian Sachem, 
in recompence for her Interpreting the Imlian Langimge into Dutch, 
as there was occasion ; there are some little Families thereon. Between 

2 or 3 miles up there is a great Plantation setled by Captain John Beiry, 
where he now Lives, there is a good house thereon, and a good quantity 
of Land cleared, and I improved by 20 Negros or more ; he hath about 
2000 Acres of Land there. 

There is another Plantation adjoining, which belongs to his son in 
Law, Mr. Michell Smith who hath about 1500 ; or 2000 Acres ; who by 
16 or more Negi^os, hath improved a good quantity of that Land. And 
there is another Plantation more near to Captain Bei^y, belonging to 
Mr. Baker who came from the Barbadoes, and bought the Land from 
Captain Berry, being about 7 or 8000 Acres ; part of which he hath im- 
proved by 7 or 8 Neg-ros. [139] On the West-side of the Creek oppo- 
site to Captain Berry, there are also other Plantations, but none other 
more Northerly up above these Plantations on that side of the neck of Land 
that is between Hudsons River and it ; the neck of Land is in breadth 
from Captain Berry's new Plantations on the West side where he lives 
over to his old Plantations, to the East at Hudson's River-side, about 

3 miles, which distance, severs to Constables-Hook upward of 10 miles. 

To goe back to the South part of Berghen neck that is opposite to 
Staten Island, where is but a narrow passage of water, which ebbs and 
flows between the said Island and Berghen Point, called Constables 
Hook. There is a considerable Plantation on that side of Constable- 
Hook, Extending in Land above a mile over, from the Bay on the East 
side of the neck that leads to New Yot^k, to that on the west that goes 
to Hackensack and Snakehill : the neck running up between both I'rom 
the South to the north of Hudson's River to the outmost extent of their 
bounds. [140] There belongs to that Plantation about 12 or 1500 
Acres, and it's well stockt and improved : it was settled first by Samuel 
Edsall in Colonel Nicolls time, and by him sold 3 years ago, for 600 ; 
lib. 

There are other small Plantations along that neck to the Ea.'it, be- 
tween it. and a Little village of 20 Families called by the Indians 



276 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

or Penelipe, then further one to another cottage ; there are more 

where Lawrence the Draper hves, a Dutchman ; there may be 16 or 
18 FamiUes ; then one to George Umpane. [Gomounepan?'] which is 
over against New York, where there is about 40 Families ; within 
which, about the middle of the neck, which is here about 3 myles over, 
stands the Town of Berghen, which gives name to that neck ; then again 
Northward to the water side going up Hudson''s River, there lyes out a 
point of Land, wherein is a Plantation and a water [mill ?] belonging 
to a merchant in New York. 

Southward there is a small village about 5 or 6 Families, which is 
commonly called the Dukes Farme, and hath always [141] paid a small 
annual rent to the Governour of New York, who first granted it out for 
two lives, but is leased out now for some years, yet is under the Juris- 
diction of New Jersey for Government : further up is a good Plantation 
in a neck of Land almost an Island, called Hohuk. It did belong to a 
Dutch Merchant, who formerly in the Indian war had his Wife Children 
and Servants murdered by the Indians, andhis honse cattle and stock de- 
stroyed by them. IVs noio settled again, and a mill erected there by one 
dwelling at New York. 

Up Northward along, the river side are other Lands near to Mr. 
William Lawrance, which is 6 or 7 miles further ; opposite thereto, 
there is a Plantation of Mr. Edscdl, and above that Captain Dienjields 
Plantation, both without Tennants ; this last is almost opposite to the 
northwest end [ofj Manhattan Island— on the south part is New York 
town and Fort ; there are other small Plantations up the River to Hav~ 
ersham, near the Highlands, between Avhich the River leads up to So- 
pus and Albany. 

Here are the utmost extent of the Northern [142] bounds of East 
Jersey as always computed. 

There was here taken up a great tract of Land by Governour Philip 
Carteret for himself, and another for one Campyne and Company. It's 
supposed to be little improved yet some Plantations are said to be 
there. Under the Jurisdiction of this Town and Berghen are all the 
Plantations on both sides of the Neck, to its outmost extent, as also 
those at Hackensack. Here is a Town Court held by Select Men or 
Overseers, who use to be 4 or more as they please to choose annually 
to try small causes, as in all the rest of the Towns ; and two Courts of 
Sessiofis in the year, from which if the Cause e.vceed 20 lib, they may 
appeal to the Governour and Council, and Court of Deputies in their 
Assembly, who meet once a year. The Town is compact and hath been 
fortified against the Indians. There are not above 70 Famihes in it. 
The Acres taken up by the Town may be about 10,000 and for the 
Out plantations 50.000, and the number of Inhabitants are computed to 
be 350, but many more abroad. The greatest part of the Inhabitants 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. n^? 

which are in this Jurisdiction fl43] are Dutch, of whicli .omc have set- 
tled here upwards of 40 years agoe. 

Patents have been given out by the Govemour and Council for the 
neatest part of the Land here described: all Lands Patented are to 
pay the quit rents, whether improved or not; what is set forth here re- 
lating to New East Jersey, is only Computation of the Neighbours of 
that Collony: not declaring everything to be just as he huth written, but 
sets it doivn as a good part of his oicn knowledge, the rest guessed at, and 
is to the best of his remembrance, particularly about the qicantUy of 'Acres 
and number of Inhabitants. 

Acres. 
Shrewsbury Town and Plantation . . . 300OO 

MiddletowH and Plantations . , . 30000 

Piscataway and out Plantations . . . 4000O 

Woodbridge and out Plantations . . 30000 

Elizabethtown and Plantations . . . 40000 

Newark and out Plantations . . , 50000 

Berghen and out Plantations . . . 60000 

in all 280000 
|'144] Shrewsbury Families. .... 080 
Middletoxcn " . . . . 100 

Woodbridge " . . . .120 

Elizabeth " . . . , 150 

Piscataway " .... 080 

Newark " . . . . 100 

Berghen " .... 070 

in all 700 Families 

And reckoning 5 to all Families the old Inhabitants in the several 
Towns estimate to be 3500 Persom. These besides the out Plantations, 
that cannot be so well guessed at for Families or Persons, as the Towns. 

I desire Sir, you may here stop a little, and consider the Encourage- 
anent to be had from the above written Information : whicli will by any 
understanding Person be judged of very great import; you came not 
to a place altogether void of Inhabitants, But on the contrary to a Coun- 
trey where at your first landing you have houses, which can accommodate 
you with all necessaries, whatsoever. If you look back with mo to the 
great trouble these were reduced to, who first went to that place of the 
World [145] who were necessitated to carry over with them, Horses, 
Cows, Sheep, Hoggs, &c.. Yea, all sorts of provisions, you will certain- 
ly acknowledge that it is a very easy business now, in comparison of 
what it was then, when so soon as you come to land, you have houses 
to afford you good and comfortable accommodation, till you make pro- 
visions for one of your ownj when you have some way [to] accommo- 



278 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

date yourself with Lodging, you may from all hands provide yourself 
with Horses, Cows, Sheep, Hoggs, &c., all sorts of Poultry ; [and] all 
sorts of seed for sowing. This consideration does, in my apprehension, 
make the Design far more easy, than would appear at first to any who 
would be necessitated to lay before his eyes great difficulties to be ren- 
countered when come from Ships ; lodging is wanting upon the shore, 
no other Victual is in readiness but what is brought along from the 
place they came from, none of these other accommodations to be fur- 
nished, but what is brought a great way off: Sir you will be obliged 
to say we have even upon this one consideration, a great advantage of 
our countrey-men lately settled at Port Royal in Carolina, to mention 
nothing else in this place. 

But now let us return to the perusal of [146] several Letters from 
that place, and I desire you to mark narrowly if you observe the least 
contradiction in any material point, contained in any of them ; or if you 
do not find the above written Discription quadrate in the least particular 
with the said Letters. — 



A Letter from Thomas Rudyard Deputy Governor of New Jersey, 
to a friend at London, dated at East Jersey, the 30th of the 3d vionth 
calledMay, 1683. 

Dear B. G. To be as particular in my return were but thy due : 
yet I cannot promise so much ; However I may give thee some genera! 
account of the Province, aud of our satisfaction with our present Lot, 
the short time I have experienced this. 

But to give thee also, as thou desirest, a Character of Pennsylvania 
and West Jersey, that will be a task I must be excused to undertake, 
least I give offense, or at least bring me under censure as partial. 
Were [147] I not concerned in any of the Provinces I might satisfie 
thy curiositie, but being chieflie interested in this, I'll be very cautious 
meddling with my neighbours, more than here one with another ; so 
I may use my freedom with my Neighbours which they take not ill, 
but not write that they may take otherwayes. They lye so near ad- 
jacent, that they may be said in a sense to be but one Countrie ; and 
what's said for one, in General may serve for all. I have been at 
Burlingtown, and at Pennsylvania, as far as Philadelphia : which lyes 
about 20 miles below Burlingtown. That journey by land, gave me 
some view of all the Provinces, and made me more considerably to 
estimate this of East Jersey ; having some Conveniences esteemed by 
me, which the others are not so plentifully furnished withal, viz fresh 
and salt Meadows, which now are very valuable, and no man here 
will take up a Tract of Land without them, being the support of tlieir 



OF EAST NEW JERSEV\ n-Q 

flocks in Winter, which other parts must supplie by store, and takint' 
more care for English Grass. But know, wlierc salt marshes are nol 
there is no muskettos, [148] and that manner of Land the more iiealth. 
and this was often answered me, when I have been making compar- 
isons. I must tell thee, their Character in Print, by all that reads it 
here, is said to be modest, and much more might have been said in its 
Commendation. 

We have one thing more particular to us, which the others want 
also ; which is vast Oyster banks, which is Constant fresh Victuals 
during the winter, to English, as well as Indians ; of these there are 
many all along our Coasts, from the Sea as high as against New 
York, whence they come to fetch them ; so we are supplied with salt 
fish at our doors, or within half a tydes passage, and fresh Fish in 
abundance in every little brook, as Pearch, Trout, Eels, 6^c. which 
we catch at our doors. Provisions here are very plentiful, and people 
generally well stockt with Cattle. New York and Burlingtoim have 
hitherto been their market; Few or no Trading-Men being here in 
this Province. I believe it hath been very unhappy heretofore under 
an ill managed Government, and most of [149] the people who are 
such, have been invited from the adjacent Colonies by the good- 
ness of its soil, and convenient Scituation. At Amboy we are now 
building some small houses, of 30 feet long, and 18 feet breadth, fit- 
ting to entertain Workmen, and such as will go and build larger ; the 
stones lye exceedingly well and good, up the Rariton River a Tydes 
passage, and Oyster shells upon the point, to make lyme withali, 
which Avill wonderfully accommodate us in building good houses cheap, 
warm for Winter, and cool for Summer ; and durable covering for 
houses are Shingles, Oak, Chesnut and Cedar, we have plentiful here 
of all, the last endures a man's age if he live to be old. There is 
5 or 6 Saw mills going up here this Spring, two at work already, 
which abates the price of boards half in half, and all other timber 
for building : for although timber cost nothing, yet workmanship by 
hand was London price, or near upon, or sometimes more, which these 
mills abate ; we buy Oak and Chesnut boards no cheaper than last 
year. My habitation with Samuel Groome is at Elizabeth \150'\ Town, 
and here we came first ; it lyes on a fresh small river, with the tyde, 
ships of 30 or 40 Tuns, come before our doors, throughout this town 
s good English grass, and very good burthen ; we cannot call our 
habitation solitarie for what with the public employ I have little less 
company at my house dayly, than I had in George Yard, although 
not so many pass by my doors. The people are generally a sober 
professing people. Wise in their Generation, Courteous in their Be- 
haviour, and Respectful to us in office among them. As for the Tem- 
perature of the Air, it is wonderfully scituated to the Humours of Mail- 



280 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

kind, the wind and weather rarely holding in one point or one kind 
for ten dayes together. It is a rare thing for a Vessel to be wind 
bound for a week together, the wind seldom holding in a point more 
than 48 hours ; and in a short time we have wet and dry, warm and 
cold weather, which changes we often desire in England, and look for 
before they come. Yet this Variation creates not cold, nor have we 
the tenth part of the cold as we have in England, I never had any 
since I came [151] and in the midst of Winter and Frosts, could en- 
dure it with less cloaths than in England : for generally I go with 
the same Cloaths I use to wear in Summer with you ; but warm cloaths 
hurt not. I bless the Lord, I never had better health, nor my family, 
my Daughters are very well improved in that respect, and tell me 
they would not change their place for George Yard, nor would I. 
People here are generally settled, where the tyde reaches ; and al- 
though this is a good Land, and well Timbered, and plentifully sup- 
plied with salt Marsh, yet there is much better Land up higher on 
the River, where they may go up with small boats, where many now 
are settling. There's extraordinary Land, fresh Meadows overflowed 
in the Winter time, that produces multitudes of Winter Corns : and 
its believed will endure 20, 30, or 50 years overflowing witliout inter- 
mission, and not decay. Such Land there is at Sopus on Hudson^s 
River, which hath born Winter Corn about 20 years without help, 
and is as good as at first, and better. William Penn took a view of 
the Land, this last month when here, [152] and said he had never seen 
such before in his life : All the English Merchants, and many of the 
Dutch have taken, and are desirous to take up Plantations with us. 
Our Countrey here, called Berghen, is almost [all] Dutch men, at a 
town called Newark, 7 or 8 miles hence, is made great quantities of 
Syder, exceeding any we can have from New England or Rhod Is- 
land or Long Island. I hope to make 20 or 30 Barrels out of our 
Orchard next year, as they have done who had it before me, for that, 
it must be as Providence orders. 

Upon our view and survey o^ Amhoy Point, we find it extraordinary 
well situate for a great Town or City, beyond expectation, at low wa- 
ter, round about the point are Oysters. There are Oysters of two kinds, 
small as English, and others, two or three morsells, exceeding good for 
roasting and stewing. The people say, our Oysters are good and in 
.season all summer. Tlie first of the third Month I eat of them at Am- 
boy very good. The point is good lively land, 10, some places 20 foot, 
above the water mark. About it are several coves, [where] with small 
Costs may lay up Vessels as [153] in a docke, besides great Ships of 
any burthen, may all ryde before the town, land-locked against all 
winds. There Rariton River runs up or rather down 50, (far larger) 
some say 100 myles, for small boats. I saw several vines upon tlie 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 



281 



point, which produce, as they say, good grapes in tlioir Season ; this 
Countrey is very full of them, but being no present mother of profits few 
regard them more, tlian to pick them as they lay in tlieir way when they 
are rype. 

We have store of Clams esteemed much better than Oysters ; on 
Festivals the Indiaiis feast with them : there are shallops, but in no 
great plentie. Fish we have great store, as our relation sets forth, but 
they are very good when catcht, (as tlie proverb is). I have several 
Barrels by me now, which are good for our Table and for Sale. 1 
brought a Sea Net over with me, which may turn to good account. 
Sea Nets are good Merchandise here, mine cost me about 4 or 5 lib, 
and I can have 20 lib for it, if I would sell it now ; I may write of many 
such matters in our Province, which may invite persons here, [154] but 
so am resolved to conclude, knojving that in probability, there is not 
an industrious man, but by God's blessing may not only have a com- 
fortable, but plentiful supplie of all things necessary ibr this life ; with 
the salutation of my true affection to all, &c. I rest 

thy affectionate friend, 

THO. RUDYARD. 



A Letter from Samuel Groome, Surveyour Genera I in East New 
Jersey, dated at 

East Jersey, the 11th of August, 1683. 
Friends and fellow proprietors : 

Since my last I have now sounded the Channell from Amboy to 
Sandy Hook, and find it to be a broad and bold Channell, in no place 
less than three fathom at high water, in ordinary tydes 4, 5, or 6 fathom 
except in one short place. Rariton River is a good River, and hath a 
good tyde of flood overpowering the freshes about 30 miles above Am- 
boy : after its flood, the tyde hath no force against the Freshes which 
comes out of several branches of Rariton, and joyns in one 40 or 50 
miles above Amboy. 

[155] I have spent considerable time in making discovery. I have 
not as yet had times to lay out much land for you, only about 17 or 18 
thousand Acres in one tract, good upland near Elizabeth Town. I have 
now seen the tract of Land against (or nigh) Amboy Point formerly laid 
out by Vanquillen, it is on the West-side of a Creek called Chingerora, 
about eight thousand acres, And I intend shortly to lay as much or 
twice as much more to it ; but first we must talk with the Natives about 
that, and other tracts of Land they are not yet paid for. The last day 



2S2 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

of this month is appointed to treat with several Indians, to buy several 
exceeding good tracts nigh the head o? Rariton. 

The tenth of the next month is also appointed to treat with other 
Indians, to buy other tracts of choice Meadowing and Upland, that 
lyeth about 12 or thirteen myles up into the Countrey, which I have 
seen ; and when we have accomplished these two things, we shall be 
able to lay out for you much land, and when I have been up in the 
Countrey towards and at Barnagate, and agreed with the Indians there- 
about for such land as we may see occasion to purchase (presently) in 
order to a settlement [156] there : for here are many both of New Eng- 
land, New York, and some parts of this Province, stand ready to 
sit down in that part of the Countrey; not only for the sake of the good 
Upland and Meadows, which report saith is much thereabouts, but also 
for the sake of the Whale Trade, and- other fishing trade, which is like 
to be there shortly. New England men, and others were a tampering 
with the Indians to have purchased there, before and since we came ; 
but now they are out of hopes coming in at that door ; so now they 
make their Addresses to us, and would have us to purchase and let them 
come in our Tennents : [or] otherwayes as we agree : I intend to attempt 
these things this fall. I have not been much on the South side of 
Rariton, only upon some upland at severall places, and upon the tract 
of 8 thousand 3 hundred and 20 acres of yours aforementioned ; and 
also on the MeacZowmg- that lyes on the South side of ^ari7o?i above 
Amhoy, a year or two since purchased of the Indians, in the name of 
Dame Cartwright, [Carteret] though it was never intended for her, nor for 
any Proprietor : but as it fell out, they quarrelled about disposing and 
sharing thereof, so it is now without controversie yours. Now know that 
Raritonriver is [157] accommodated on both sides with salt and fresh 
meadows : salt as far as the salt sea water flows, or predominates ; and 
fresh above, as the river of Thames. We have above 3000 Acres of 
meadowing butting on the river ; I hope it will never hurt Amhoy town : 
Besides, report saith, that the upland next adjoining to this meadowing, 
beginning over against Amhoy, and so up 10 or 12 miles to a River that 
strikes out of Rariton South, and is called South River, is but mean 
land. 

It may be well, if you would agree to take each one a 24th part of 
Lands as we lay them out, whether it be more or less, or else take 500 
Acres Lots, and let these Lots be cast when 24 times 500 Acres is laid 
out ; where we can make greater Lots we may. We have now got up 
three houses at Amhoy, and three more ready to be set up, but work- 
men are scarce, and many of them base : the best will work but when 
they can spare time out of their plantations ; (if no help comes, it will 
be long a're Amhoy be built, as London is.) Housing will bring a Trade 
to that place, the Indians come thither to get Fish, Fowl, Oysters 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 283 

Clams, Mussels &c. (as people go to market for things they want) and 
these [158] Indians bring at Seasons, great quantities of skins down 
Rariton, so by Amhoy and to New York, where they have a continual 
supplie of things they want. 

Well here is a brave Countrey, the ground very fruitfull. and won- 
derfully inclinable to English grass, as Chwer, f c It Predominates 
over the more wild grasse : very little barren, much dry upland, and 
good meadow, some phenny, swampy land and small running brooks 
and rivers throughout all the parts of the Countrey I have been, and this 
phenny and swampy Land bears great burdens of grass : in short, the 
land is four times better than I expected. We must needs be out of some 
money at present to purchase lands of the Indians, but that will soon be 
got in with profit as people come to Inhabite and take up Land, and 
pay, as alwayes they have done, their part of purchase from the Indians. 
Here is great talk of the braveries of the place and land, Barnagate I 
intend to see shortly, after the season is fitting to go by land and 
water to it ; I intend to go by water in a Sloop to see how convenient 
its by water, and from thence come by Land, so then I shall tell you 
more. Ye must expect to be at charges for doing these and such 
other [159] things. I propose shortly to write to, and demand in all 
places of the Q,uit rents, and Arrears. They generally say they will 
pay. Capt. Berry is two or three hundred pounds behind in arrears, as 
is said ; because his case differs from others a little, I'll (God permit- 
ting) begin with him first of all about his rent &c. and either have rent 
or land. What you write concerning building and repairing shall be 
observed. I wish I were freely rid or all the goods I have of yours, and 
my own, at 28 per cent, excepting such as are for the Indian Trade. 
These parts of America are accommodated with English goods ; Nev- 
ertheless when I pay Workmen and Labourers, I pay them goods rated 
cent per cent, New York money, but then I must pay them 2 or 3 silver ; 
and part paction which I procure with goods as well as I can. 

The houses at Amboy are 30 foot long, and 16 foot wide, 10 foot be- 
twixt joynt and joynt, a double Chimney made with Timber and clay, 
as the manner of this Countrey is to build, [and] will [stand] in about 50 
lib a house, this pay procured here for 25 in goods the first cost, I shall 
make you no return this year, seeing we are about purchasing and sur- 
veying all which will run [160] out money in this place where men are 
so scarce to be had. On such accounts, I must, as well as I can, turn 
your goods into money, provision and goods for Indians. I have laid 
out Amboy into 150 Lots, and have sent home a draught of it. 

Your S. G. 



2^4 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 



Abstract of a letter from Gawen Lawrie Deputy Govemour of East 
Jersey to the Projmetors at London, dated from 

Elizabethtown the 2 q/'March 1684. 
I took np several dayes with Countreymen, and others, to view the 
Ground and Water, at last I pitched upon a place, where a Ship of 
300 Tun may ride safely within a plank length of the shoar at low wa- 
ter, and joyning thereto is a piece of marsh ground, about 12 pearch 
broad and 20 pearch long, and high land on each side like our keyes by 
London Bridge : this may be easie cut quite round, for small Vessels to 
come to the Key, and lie safe. Round this island, I set out Lots 1 acre 
a piece [161] viz. 4 pole at the Key, and 40 pole backward ; from thence 
along the river near half a mile, I lay'd out the like lots very pleasant 
for scituation, where they can see the ships coming in the Baye of 
Sandy Hook for near 20 miles. The Ships may ride along by the 
Town, as safe as at London. Just at the point by the Town, JRariton- 
river runs up by the Countrie a great way ; there boats of 40 tun may 
goe, and the River by the Town, goes to New York, Hudson''s River, 
Long Island, Staten Island, and so to New England: there is no 
[such] place in all England, for Conveniency and pleasant scituation. 
There are 60 Lots upon the River, and 40 backward between these 
and the River ; and these backward, have a high way 100 feet broad, 
where I have laid out a place for a market, with cross Streets from the 
River to the Market, where the Town houses are to be built. When 
this was done I laid out 400 acres, to be divided in 48 parts, viz. 36 to 
each Proprietor ; and those who have lots in the Town, I grant them 
half Lots in this ; to pay for the Lots in the Town 20 pound, or if a half 
Lot of 36 acres [161] 40 pound. I laid out 400 acres to lye untill the 
Proprietors agree to divide it, as people come over. There are 16 Lots 
taken up by the Scottish Proprietors, and 8 Lots by the Proprietors that 
are here. There are 20 Lots taken up in the Town, by other People. 
I engage all to build a house of 30 foot long, and 18 foot broad, and 18 
foot high to the raising, to be finished within a year ; To pay for laying 
out, 40 shil a Lot, and 4d per annum Quit Rent : there are several be- 
gun already to build. I have laid out between forty and fifty Acres for 
the Governours house. The highway and wharfe between the Hooks 
[Lots ?] and the River are 100 feet broad, and to leave a row of trees 
along upon the River, before the houses, for shade and shelter exceed- 
ing pleasant. I have agreed for two houses of like dimensions, to be 
built for the Proprietors, and also a house for the governour of 66 foot 
long and 18 foot broad ; And if the quit rents come in, I intend 3 or 4 
houses more for the Proprietors. I can easily let them. This work 
took me up 5 weeks : After I had finished this work, I set the people to 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. ogr 

work, Scottish and -E»g-//.s'/j, about 50 personp, some preparinfr ihr build- 
ing, others on [163] clearing ground to get Corn sowne this spring, tlien 
came in a Boat, privately, to Elizabeth Town the 12lh past; next morn- 
ing I went to New York to visit the governour; staid there two ortlirep 
days : He was very kind, and promised a fair correspondenre, so I (h'd 
not pubHsh my Commission until this day before the council. They 
have been kind and courteous. 

Now is the time to send over people for settling Here. There arc 
30000 acres of Land in several places, belonging to Proprietors, formerly 
taken up by Cartwright, [Carteret] so here is land enough. The Scots 
and William Dockwrci's people coming now and settling, advance the 
Province more than it hath been advanced these ten years. Therefore 
Proprietor, send over some Families and Servants : I shall prestwitly 
set them out Land, and it will presently bring them in considerable pro 
fite in a few years. Here wants nothing but people ; There is not a 
poor body in all the Province, nor that wants ; Here is abundance of 
Provision, Pork and Beef, at 2d per pound, Fish and Fowl plenty, Oys- 
ters I think would serve all England, Wheat 4 shilster per [IGi] Hush- 
ell, Indian wheat 2s 6d per bushell ; It is exceeding good food every 
way, and 2 or 300 fold increase: Sider good and plenty, for Id per 
Quart. Good drink that is made of water and Molasses stands in about 
2s per Barrell, wholesome, like our 8s Beer in England. Good Veni- 
son, plenty brought us in at 18d the quarter. Eggs at 3d per Dozen, all 
things very plenty. Land, very good as ever I saw : Wines, Walnuts, 
Peaches, Strawberries, and many other things plenty in the woods. 
The Proprietors have 150 or 200 acres, 3 miles from the town upon 
Rariton River, salt Marsh, where I intend to let the people of Amboy 
cut grass for hay, to their cattle in Winter, until we otherwayes order 
it by Lots to them, I reckon there is laid out for the Town, Governours 
house, and publick highwayes, near or about 200 acres, so there rests 
1800 acres. I laid out 400 acres, as I said, the rest to lye in common 
untill divided. I have put two houses in repair upon the River, called 
the Point 2 miles from Elizabethtown ; have let one of them, with 10 
acres of Pasture ground, and 10 acres of Woody ground, for 7 years at 
26 lib per annum : the [165] man to clear the ten acres of Woody 
ground and make it fit for Ploughing or Pasture. I intend to let the 
other also with some land. All the houses were like to drop down, all 
the land lying without fence, and a barn quite fallen down and de- 
stroyed ; another without any cover, and that other next to the house 
where 1 dwell, all to pieces, and all the fences and out houses were 
down, but repaired before I came. I am setting up a Ferry Boat at 
Perth, for Men and Horses, to go and come to Burlingtown, Pennsylva- 
nia, and Neio York ; Also I am treating with one to set up a house mid 
way to Burlingtown, to entertain Traveilors, and a Ferry Boat to go 



286 I'f^E MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

to New York, all which is for promoting Perth, that being the center. 
Also you should give me power to set out a Line, between the Govern- 
our of New York and us : he calls on me for it, because several Planta- 
tions on the River are settled, and we know not yet what side they will 
fall to. I cannot at present mention all particulars, which you must 
supply by some general clauses or words, for it is not possible for you 
to understand what is for the good of the Province as I do that am 
here ; and be not sparing to send over people, it will bring you in again, 
with large profits ; for here is a gallant plentiful [166] Countrie, and 
good land ; I have given you a large account for the little time I have 
been here. I have none to write for me, but you must send a coppy of 
this to Scotland, and with it your further Instructions, to be signed, and 
sent me forthwith: I will be bound till it come ; I rest your friend, sic 
sub scribitur , 

GAWEN LAWRIE. 



A Letter from Gawen Lawrie to a Friend of his at London. 

East Jersey March 26 1684 
Loving Friend 

I promised to write when God brought me to Jersey but had not 
time till now : I shall give thee a brief account of the Countrie, no Jic- 
iion, but the truth. It is beyond what I expected. It is scituate in a 
good Aire, which makes it healthy, and there is great conveniency for 
travelling from places throw the Province in Boats, from a small Ca- 
noe to Vessels of 30, 40, or 50 Tuns, and in some places 100. In the 
Bay coming up to Amhoy point, where the Town of Perth is now in 
building, a Ship of 300 Tun may easily ride close to the Shoar, within 
a plank's [167] length to the Shoar and the houses of the Town ; and yet 
the land there, nor other in the Province is not low. Swampy marsh 
ground, but pretty high ground, rising from the water side : at Amboy 
point the bank of the River is 20 foot, in some places 30, and in some 
40 foot high ; and yet hath many conveniencies for landing goods. 

The soile is generally black, and in some places a foot deep, bear- 
eth great burthens of Corn, and Naturally bringeth forth English grass 
2 years ploughing : the ground is tender, and the ploughing is very 
easie, the trees grow generally not thick, but some places 10, in some 
15, in some 25, or 30 upon an Acre, This I find generally, but in some 
particular places there are 100 upon an Acre, but that is very rare : 
The trees are very tall and straight, the generall are Oak, Beech, 
Walnut : Chesnuts and Acorns lie thick upon the ground for want of 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 007 

eating, Peaches, Vines, Strawberries and many other sorts of Fruit 
grow commonly in the Woods. There is Hkewayes Gum tree, Cedar 
White Wood, hke our Fir tree ; Wahuits Chesimts and otliers lye thick 
upon the ground. There is great plenty of Oysters, Fish, Foul. Pork 
is 2 pennies the pomid, Beef, and Venison 1 penny the pound, a wliole 
fat buck at 5 or 6 [shillings ?] [168] Indicm Corn for 26- Mper Buskd : 
Oats 20 'pennies, and Barley 2 shil per Bushell : We have good brick 
earth, and stone for building at Amboy and elsewhere, the Countrie 
Farrae houses are built very cheap, a Carpenter, with a man's own 
servants, builds the house, they have all materials for nothing except 
Nails ; their Chimnies are of stones ; they make their own Plou'glis and 
Carts for the most part, only tlie Iron work is very dear. The poorer 
sort set up a house of two or three Rooms themselves after this manner 
The walls are of cloven Timber, about 8 or 10 inches broad, like planks 
set on end to the ground, and the other nailed to the raising, Avliich 
they plaister within : they build a Barn after the same manner, and 
these cost not above 5 lib a piece : and then to work they go, 2 or 3 
men in one year will clear 50 acres, in some places 60, and in some 
more. They sow Corn the first year, and afterwards maintain them- 
selves; and the encrease of Corn, Cows, Horses, Hogs and Sheep 
comes to the Landlord. Several Merchants of New York have left 
their several Plantations there, to come to East Jersey ; 2 or 3 join to- 
gether, bring 12, 15 or 20 servants and one Overseer, which cost them 
nothing for the first year, except some shoes, [169] Stockings, and 
Shirts ; I have been to see these Plantations ; and find they make a 
great encrease by them, maintain their Families at New York witii all 
provisions, sell a great deal yearly, and for Servants our English peo- 
ple are t'a.T hetter Husbandmen than the New England men j the Ser- 
vants work not so much by a third as they do in England, and I think 
feed much better, for they have Beef, Pork, Bacon, Pudding, Milk, 
Butter and good Beer ; and Cyder for drink. When they arc out of 
their time, they have land for themselves, and generally turn Farmers 
for themselves. Servants wages are not under 2 sliil. a day besides 
Victuals : and at Amboy point 2 shil 6d per day, at Anibuy we Jiave one 
setting up to make Malt, but we want a Brewer, 1 wish thee would 
send over some to set up a Brew house, and a Bake house to bake 
Bread and Bisket, for a Bisket-Maker we must have to vend our meat 
[Meal ?] to the Plantations. Send over some Husband-Men and Coun- 
trie Fellows that Plough, Sow, Reap, Thresh and look after Cattle : a 
Carpenter or two, and a Smith for Ploughs and Horses ; and a Cooper, 
which we want very much. If thou wilt send a dozen of Servants, 
most of them Countrey men : I will set thee out a gallant Plantation of 
[170] 500 or 1000 acres upon a River side : but thou must send over 
some goods to stock it with all. I desire thee to encourage some of 



288 THE MODEL OP THE GOVERNMENT 

our Friends, especially the Proprietors, to send over some servants to 
stock some Land ; and when they have cleared it, if they have a mind 
to lett it, here are tenants to take it, and if they will sell it, here are also 
purchasers. There is one man since I came here sold his Plantation for 
1500 lib. the whole was 1600 or 1800 acres, whereof only 120 acres were 
cleared, upo7i which he had a house, Garden and Orchard, and Barn 
planted ; I know several men who lett cleared Land at 6 shil 8 pennies 
to 10 shil. the acre yearlie rent, which is a good encouragement for 
sending over Servants to plant. I write not this as idle story, bvit as 
things really and truly are. I have sent for servants myself to settle a 
farme, for if the Proprietors will not do so, I see not what they can ex- 
pect. The Scots have taken a right course. They have sent over 
many servants, and are likewayes sending more ; They have likewayes 
sent over many poor Families, and given them a small stock, and these 
Families, some for 7, some for 10 years, giving the half of their increase 
to the Land-lord, except the milk, which the tennent hath to himself. I 
have set [171] them out land, and they are at work, I believe they will 
have 40 acres cleared this Spring ; and this Summer I am to sett them 
out more, so that in a short time they will have a great increase com- 
ing in ; this will raise the price of the Land here, and is the reason that 
several from New York bounds come to me, to take up Land, for they 
believe now this Province will be improved : and our Land is better 
than theirs ; so that every Proprietor's sending over 10 people will be 
a great advantage to himself, encourage others to take up Land, and 
bring all the division that hath been here to an end, for these men see- 
ing that they shall be ballanced are already more complyant than they 
were. Now I have layd these things before thee, and desire thee to 
impart them to some of the Proprietors and other friends that they may 
consider of the same. I am thy Loving friend, sic subscribtur 

GAWEN LAWRIE. 



A Letter from Gawen Lawme* to the Scots Proprietors of the same 
date. 

Knowing you do expect from us an account of this Countrey, we 
have for your encouragement, and for the encouragement of all [172] 
our Countrey Men who may be inclinable to come into this Countrey, 
given you this brief and true account of it, according as we have seen 
and are credibly informed, for having seen little yet, save the Winter 

* This is a manifest error of the compiler from both the signatures and the 
style. Ed. 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. ogn 

Season, we must write whutis to be seen in Summer upon Information 
which we have just ground to believe to be true, because what we have 
seen already in it (notwithstanding of all that we heard of it before we 
came) surpasses our expectation in many things. The Aire in this 
Countrey is very wholesome, and though it alters suddenly sometimes, 
being one day hot and and another cold, yet people are not so subject 
to catch cold, or be distempered by it as in our Countrey of Eno'land • 
the land lyes for the most part pretty high, but on the River and Creek 
sides are many Meadows which lye low, of which the Countrey people 
gett their Hay, whereby their stocks are maintained in the Winter Sea- 
son, Provisions here are plentifuU and cheap ; There is Beel'. Pork 
Venison, Foul and Fish, [in] abundance to be had at easie rates, and 
for drink they have good Beer and Cyder, and those that are [1731 de- 
sirous may have Wine of several sorts, and other kinds of strong Liquor 
so that we see little wanting here that a man can desire ; and we are 
here sure that a sober and industrious People might make this a rich 
Countrey. Poor people, who are hard put to it to gain bread at home, 
notwithstanding of the excessive Labour, for we see that people here 
want nothing, and yet their Labour is very small ; they work not so hard 
by one half as the Husbandmen or Farmers in our Countrey : and many 
of those who have settled here upwards of sixteen years, have lived 
upon the product of the Land They cleared the first two years after 
they came, (and cleared none since,) which produced not only Corn to 
maintain their own Families, but to sell every year, and the increase 
of their Bestial, whereof they have good store of several sorts, Cows, 
Oxen, Horses, Sheep, and Swine, yields them other provisions and to 
sell besides ; yet there be some more Industrious among them who 
have continued clearing and Improving Land, and these have got Es- 
tates, and would not [174] sell their Plantations for several hundred 
pounds. We have been up a little way on the Rariton River, but 
could not go so far as we intended being prevented by Rainy weather : 
but so far as we went was very rich land, and yet that above it is said 
to be richer ; a great deal of it is naturally clear of wood. And what is 
not so, is easily cleared, the trees being but small and a good distance 
from one another, so that the Land yet untaken up, so far as we can 
understand, is easier to clear than that which is taken up, the Towns 
that are already seated, being seated in woodiest places. The Mer- 
chants in New York, both Dutch and English, have many of them taken 
up Land and settled Plantations in this Countrey, and severall Irom that 
CoUony are desiring to come and take up land among us, though they 
might have land in their own CoUony without paying duitt rents. The 
wood here is not so hard to clear as many think, they do not pull it up 
by the Roots, but [cut] them about a foot or more from the ground, and 
one man may cut down many in a day ; four of our men the first day 

19 



290 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT. 

they began, cut down seventy [175] the best trees they could find, fit for 
building. There are not many of great Trees, but straight and tall, and 
there be of many sorts, Oak, Walnut, Chesnut, Cedar, Popler, Gumtrees, 
Firs, Pines, Birch and Beech, and other sorts which we remember not 
at present ; there are many good Orchards of Fruit trees, and they 
make abundance of good Cyder, especially at one Town called Neuark 
which is esteemed at Neiv York, and other places where it is sold, be- 
yond any that comes from New England. There are Peaches, and 
Vines grow wild about the River sides, which in season bear good Fruit 
and Grapes, and there are Strawberries over all the Woods and many 
other kinds of goods and Fruits: and at A mho7j -point, and several other 
places, there is abundance of brave oysters. There will be many 
houses built there quickly, for many have taken up lots and all that 
have taken are obliged to build within a year. There is good encour- 
agement for Tradesmen to come over, such as Carpenters, Masons and 
Bricklayers, for they build not only of Wood, but also of Stone and 
Brick, yet most [176] of Countrey Houses are built of Wood, only 
Trees split and set up an end on the ground, and coverings to their 
Houses are mostly Shingles made of Oak, Chesnut and Cedar wood, 
which makes a very neat Covering, yet there are some Houses cover- 
ed after the Dutch manner with pantiklcs. The Towns are all settled 
upon Rivers, where Vessels of 30 or 40 Tuns may come up to their 
doors, and the out plantations generally upon some Brooks or Rivulets 
which are as plenty here as in our own Countrey, and curious clear water, 
and in many places are good Spring wells ; but in the Towns every man 
for the most part has a well digged by his own hand. Among all the 
towns that are settled here, there is none lyeth so convenient for trade as 
New Perth, for Ships of great burden may come up close to the houses, 
and may come up any time in the Winter: There came a Ship of 300 tuns 
in there this Winter, in the hardest frost we had, and lay hard by the 
town, so near that she was tyed to a tree. The Land here brings forth 
most sorts of English grain, and great increase ; Wheat, Rye, Early, 
[177] Oats and other sorts of grain, siich as Indian Corn, which is very 
good and wholesome kind of Grain ; and also Buck Wheat ; and those 
■Corns are to be had at casie rates, either for money or for goods, and 
those that have not money or goods may have abundance for their 
work. 

We shall now answer, so far as we are capable, your Queries sent 
over to us. 

To the first, we cannot positively answer, to give an account of the 
whole length and breadth of the Province, But we are informed that 
it is a great deal broader than ye expected, for those that have trav- 
elled from the extent of our bounds on Hudson's River, straight over 
to the Delaware River, say it is 100 myles or upwards j we shall know 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 291 

that certainly after a while, for the Line betwixt us and New York is 
to be run straight over to Delaware Ri%'er, about 3 weeks hence, 
and after that the Line betwixt us and West Jersey ; After which we 
ehall be able to give a true account of the bounds of that Province. 

[178.] 2Iy. When the bounds is so exactly laid out, we can the 
easier guess at the number of Acres, and by that time may be able to 
give an account what number of Acres is already taken up, but there 
is no fear of want of Land. 

Sly. The quantity of Meadow ground we cannot determine, having 
travelled as yet but little in the Province, but the way we have travelled, 
there is meadow [in] abundance, both on the water sides and on the up 
Land. 

41y. There is also otlier good ground in some places, great quanti- 
ties free of wood, which is fit either for Corn or Grass, and the ground 
all over brings forth good English grass naturally after it is ploughed. 

51y. There are also Commons upon the Countrey, but what quan- 
tity we cannot tell, there is little kept in them save wiid horses, which 
the people take up when they have occasion. There is also Land fit 
for pasturage for Sheep, and there are Sheep in the Countrey, but what 
number the ablest planters have we know not, but some we see have 
good flocks. 

[179] 61y. An exact Mapp of the Countrey is not yet drawn nor 
can you quickly expect it, for it will take up a great deale of time, charge 
and pains to doe it. 

71y. There are also hills up in the Countrey, but how much ground 
they take up we know not, they are said to be stony and covered with 
wood, and beyond them is said to be excellent land. 

Sly. To the Eight we cannot answer as yet. 

91y. There be People of several sorts of Religion, but few very 
Zealous. The People being mostly New England men, doe mostly in- 
cline to their way, and in every Town tliere is a meeting house where 
they worship publickly every Week : They have no publick Law in the 
Countrey for maintaining public Teachers, but the Towns that have 
them make way within themselves to maintain them. We know none 
that hath a settled Preacher that follows no other Impioyment, save 
one Town Newark. 

lOly. The method of building their houses is mentioned already. 

[180] Illy. There are not many Out Plantations that are not witli- 
in the bounds of some Town, Yet there be some, and these are the 
richest ; what number are there we know not, some have great quanti- 
ties of Land and abundance cleared. 

12ly. The richest Planters have not above 8 or 10 Servants ; they 
will have some of them, 1 Dozen of Cows, yea some 20 or 30 j 8 or 10 
Oxen, horses more than they know themselves, for they keep breading 



292 



THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 



Mares, and keep no more horses at home than they have occasion to 
work ; The rest they let run in the wood hoth Winter and Summer, and 
take them as they have occasion to use them. Swine they have in great 
flocks in the wood, and Sheep in flocks also, hut they let them not run 
in the woods for fear of being destroyed by wolves. Their profit arises 
from the Improvementof their Land, and Increase of their Bestial. 

131y. There will be in most of the Towns already settled at least 
100 Houses, but they are not built so regular as the Towns in our 
Countrey, so that we cannot compare them with any Town we 
know in Scotland. Every house in the Town hath a Lott of 4 Acres 
lying to it: so that every one building upon his [181] own Lott makes 
the town Irregular and scattering. Their Streets are laid out too large, 
and the Sheep in the Towns are mostly maintained in them : They are 
so large that they need not trouble to pave them. 

141y. Betwixt Sandy Hook, and Little Egg-harbor lye 2 Towns 
Middletown and Shrewsbury. There is no Land taken up that way 
but what is in the bounds of these two Towns ; what kind of land it is, 
we know not, having never travelled that way. Barnegate or Burning 
Hole is said to be a very good place for fishing, and there are some de- 
sirino- to take up land there, who inform us that it is good Land, and 
abundance of Meadow lying to it. 

151y. There are no Fisher-men that follow only that trade, save 
some that salt Whales upon the Coasts, and other Fishes ; there is 
abundance to be had every where through the Countrey in all the Riv- 
ers and the People commonly fish with Sives or long netts, and will 
catch with a Sive 1, sometimes 2 barrels a day, of good fish, which they 
salt up mostly for their own use, and to sell to others. 

[182] 161y : There is no Ships belonging to this Province partic- 
ularly, or built here, save one which Samuel Groome built here the 
last Summer, which stands yet in the Stocks (a stop being put to it by 
his death). There is conveniency enough to build ships. The Ships 
in this part trade mostly to the West Indian Islands, and some to New 
found Land, where the Provisions of this Countrey vends. 

17ly. There is land here in several places, after it is cleared and 
brought into a farm sett out for Rents as in our Countrey, at 5, 8, and 10 
shil: per Acre According to the goodness and situation of the said 
• Land ; and those that will be at charge to clear land may get good ten- 
nants to take upon good termes. But whether it will turn to good ac- 
count or not, because little experienced as yet with the Charge of clear- 
ing of Land, I will not positively inform. 

181y. There is several places of the Countrey fit for mills, and sev- 
eral both Corn and Saw mills already sett up, and good encourage- 
ment to sett up more. 

19ly. The Acres are here reckoned [183] according to the Eng- 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 



293 



lish Account: There is 16 foot goes to the Rood, and 20 Rood long 
and 8 Rood broad, makes an Acre. One Enghsh butt of Wheat which 
is 8 English Gallons, or Scots Quarts commonly sows an Acre and 2 
bushells of Oats an Acre, and half Acre ; [One] English peck which ie 
4 English quarts or Scots Shopens of Indian Corn plants one Acre. 

20ly : There are but few Indian Natives hi this Countrey. Their 
strength is inconsiderable, they live in the Woods, and have small 
towns in some places far up in the Countrey. They plant a little In- 
dian Corn, shoot Deer, and other wild Beasts and Fowls for their food- 
They have Kings among themselves to govern them. For Religion, 
they have none at all, they do not refuse to sell Land at occasion. The 
prices of Grain and other Provisions here at Present Indian Corn, 28 
6d the Bushell ; Wheat 4 shill : Rye, 3 shill : Oats Is 8d the Bushell ; 
Beef Id; Pork 2d ; Venison Id ; Mutton 3d the pound ; — ihia English 
Measure and Weight. But mark, [184] these things being valued in 
this Countrey money, there is a fifth part difference betwixt it and Ster- 
ling Money, So that Wheat being valued here at 4s. the Bushell, is but 
3s 3d Sterling, and so of the rest proportionally. 

Here you have an account of things so far as we are capable to give 
you at present, with which we hope you will be satisfied, untill further 
opportunity and better experience give us occasion to write more. And 
so we rest your Friends and well wishers to all our Countrey Men. 

Sic subscHbitur 
Elizabeth Tow7i David Barclay 

in East Jersey Arthur Forbes 

the 29. of the first Gawen Lawrie 

Month called March 
1684. 
TViis I have heard read, do also subscribe to the truth there is, and so 
rests, G. L. 

For the Scots Proprietors of East Jersey. 



[185] A Letter from George Mackenzie Merchant in Edinburgh, 
to Mr George Alexander Advocate there. 

Elizabeth Town Stpt 1 1684. 
Mr Alexander 

I doubt not but you expect here a particular account of the province 
of New Jersey, but that I thought needless. The person, David Bar- 
clay, whom this comes alongst with, being more able to give you that 
satisfaction, as whose interest obligeth him to a more narrow observation 
of its natural advantages, and whose place being one of tlie Council, 



294 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

gives a larger liberty and occasion to inspect the concerns of this Pro- 
vince. But in general its a healthfull, pleasant, fruitful Country, in 
many places of a most Luxurious Soyle, rewarding the labour of the 
Countryman sufficiently ; its well watered with many fair and pleasant 
Rivers and Creeks, stored with several sorts of fish, and most of the 
Rivulets convenient for mills, whereof there are severall, both for Saw- 
ing of wood and grinding of corn. They raise great store of Hogs and 
Cattle ; and fowls they have in abundance. The Countrey for ten or 
fifteen miles up from the River and Sea is generally plain, farther up 
Mountains. Besides the Towns mentioned in the publick paper since 
Governor Lawries arrivall, there is laid out at Amboy-point 1000 
Acres for the City of Perth, divided into 96 Lotts, 9 Acres to a Lott ; 
the Remainder is for the streets, Market place, Governours house, 
and other publick conveniencies. How large the Countrey is, is a ques- 
tion hard to [186] resolve, and how much bought by the Proprietors (if 
any,) David Barclay can satisfy you. The Inhabitants are English, 
with a few Scots, French, and Dutch, of sufficient number to defend 
themselves against any prejudice may be offered them by the Inhabi- 
tants. That Fancie of a Common Improvement will not take, but who- 
ever expects profite from their Interests here, must Improve them a part. 
I have sold some of your Gloves at 2 shil and 6 pen : 3 shil and 4 pen : a 
pair ; being what I could gett for them : the money five and a half parts 
less than English, and shall make an account thereof at meeting. 
Present my service to all Friends. 

I am Your very humble Servant 
Sic Scribitur George Mackenzie. 



A Double of a Letter from Nero Perth, dated the 1 of the seventh 
Month, 1684. From John Reid, who was Gardener to the Lord Advo- 
cate, to a Friend at Edinburgh. 

Seeing it hath pleased God to bring me and mine safe unto this port, 
I took upon myself as obliged to write something according to my 
promise of this countrey : indeed I must say its a brave place, but I 
have not had time to take such observations as I would, being so in- 
gadged to attend my other businesse. Here is no outward want, es- 
pecially of provisions, and if people were industrious they might have 
cloaths also within themselves; by the report of all, its the best of all 
the Neighbouring CoUonies, it is very wholesome, plensant, and a fertile 
land: [187] there are also some barren land, ff'z white Sandy land, 
full o fPine trees, it lyes betwixt South River and Barnegate or Never- 
sink, (albeit there be also much good land in that precinct,) yet its a 
good place for raising a stock of cattle, providing they they have large 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 995 

room to run in, for cattle finds good food tlierc in winter, when none ia 
in the best land, and therefore do the inhabitants provide little hay in 
winter. The soyl of the countrey is generally a red mark earth with a 
surface of black mould (nor doth it appear what realy it is to their 
eyes who cannot penetrate beyond the surface) full freighted with trrasa 
pleasant herbs, and flowers, and in many places little or no wood, but 
most places full of large timber, as walnut, especially oak ; there be 
some places here and there in the Woods, they call swamps, which is 
low Ground amidst or betwixt rising ground full of bushes, which holds 
water in winter, tho most of them be dry in Summer, but these being 
cleared, and some of them that needs being drained, are the richest 
land. Here are great conveniences of Bay, Sounds, Rivers, Creeks, 
Brooks, and Springs, all over the Province, but one of the best things 
is the large quantities of brave Meadowes, both salt and fresh, which 
makes the people here able to supply their Neighbours as they doe, throw 
the abundance of their cattle. I know one Planter who hath a hundred 
of cattle, not above three years settled ; and no wonder for some of 
the grass is as high as my head. Its a pity to see so much good land 
as I have been over in this province lying waste, and greater pity to 
see so much good and convenient land taken, and not improven. 

As soon as any of the land here comes to be cultivated, it over-runs 
with small Clover-grass, by the [188] pasturage and dunging of cattle, 
and so supplants the naturall grass and herbs, notwithstanding of their 
quick and strong growth. Fruit trees also prosper well here. Newark 
made about a thousand barrells of Sider last year, (a barrell is 8 Scots 
gallons) this is like that of Woodbridge, who made 500 barrells of pork 
in one year, before the law was made against the Swines trespassing. 

Here they sow most Indian corn^ and Wheat ; some Rye, Barly, 
Oats : Indian corn the first year that they break up or plough, the sec- 
ond they sow Wheat, because the spontaneous growth of the weeds is 
done away by howing the Indian corn^ as we do cabbage : here is one 
planter makes accompt. That he hath about three thousand bushels of 
wheat reapt this year : I suppose he hath above a hundred acres of it, 
but I doe not make these instances as so many precedents. 

I know nothing wanting here, except that good Tradesmen, and 
good Husbandmen, and Labourers are scarce : a Labourer may have 
a bushell of Corn per rfay, when he is a little acquainted with the work 
of the Countrey, but Tradesmen much more. Smiths, Carpenters, 
Masons, Weavers, Taylors, Shoemakers, are very acceptable : any who 
comes let them bring some cloaths, and their proper tools with them, 
as used in England, and provide butter, bisket, wine, and especially 
beer and ale, for their Sea voyage, besides the Ships allowance ; and 
they need not fear when they come here, albeit they have no more, 
yet they will be better if they have something either in money or Scott 



296 THE MODEL OP THE GOVERNMENT 

linnin and stuffs to buy a little provision at first, to set them up a house 
and buy a cow or two ; and tho a man be rich, I would not advise 
him to bring many servants, at least not to keep many at first, untill he 
«ee about him and know what he is doing. 

[189] I cannot tell what goods are best to bring, David Barclay can 
tell better ; But he who brings money may expect 15d for the English 
5 shil. : some may bring a Little of the best Wheat for a change of 
seed, and some barly, and Oats, for the same use : also a Little Scots 
field peas, there being none such here ; bring also some great clover 
seed. 

There are a great store of Garden herbs here, I have not had time 
to inquire unto them all, neither 1o send some of the many pleasant 
(tho to me unknown) plants of this Countrey, to James Sutherland 
Physick Gardener at Edinburgh, but tell him, I will not forget him, 
when opportunity offers. 

I had forgot to write of Ambo, or New Perth, therefore I add, that it 
is one of the best places in America, by the report of all Travellers, for 
a town of trade; for my part, I never saw any so conveniently seated : 
this with my love, and my Wifes to all friends, and acquaintances, 
I Rest thy friend 

, JOHN REID. 



David Mudie's Letter to his Wife. 

New Perth, the 12 December, 1684. 

MV HEART. 

I hope this shall find you and your children in Good-health, and 
I wish in as much satisfaction as I and our Children are here : far be- 
yond my expectation and others, my well wishers, who are [190] with 
you. My last to you was upon my arrival here, dated the 8th of Novem- 
ber, and at that time I could give you but a small account of my Judg- 
ment anent it, it would take a great deale of time to inform you of every 
thing, as it truelie is : But to be short, I have travelled through a part 
of it, and it is far larger than ever I heard it reported in Scotland, I 
dare say above a third more ground, and there is abundance of brave 
Rivers through it all, better than ever I did see in any place, brave 
Meadows alongst all the River sides, and lands above the Meadow 
ground ; abundance of Fresh water Brooks, and Springs, plenty of 
Fishes in all the Rivers, in the Summer time, and that very good Fishes 
Buch as they preserve for Victual in the Winter, and in very few days 
they use to take more than they make use of in Winter ; as for wild 
Meat there is of all sorts. Cows, Sheep, and Oxen as large as in England, 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 297 

and abundantly cheap, considering Ihcir goodness. Corns and all fiorts 
of Fruit in great abundance, and no less than they are called in Scot- 
land. Money within this three years is become pretty plentiful, servants 
dear and scarce. I have taken up Six Acres of Land in Nr.w Perth 
which pleases me exceedingly well, in regard it is good Land, and fit for 
building of a City, and Persons of Good Fortune are come from New 
York, and other places in the Countrey, and are very bu.sy building ; 
and I am begun to build a house, and have near digged the ground 
which is very hard, it being, under a great part of it, Oker, which is 
hard to digg, and the least deepness is eight feet. I have my t\vo 
Wrights Squaring of Timber for it, and I resolve to have it a good 
Handsome House, Six Rooms off a floor with a Study, two stories high 
above the Sellers, and the Garret above; And I doubt not [191] if the 
Frost bide away, but I shall have the Sellers finished, and the gests 
laid above it, against the latter end of this month. For the Land that 
lyes to the house, I resolve to fence in two Acres of it for an Orchard 
and an Yard, and to have that done before the middle of February, and 
to have it planted with fruit trees ; for I find a man in three years will 
have more Fruit in such an Orchard than he knows how to make 
use of. 

And about the middle of February according as the Weather is, I 
resolve to go out where I have taken up my Land, which is upon a 
River, called the South River, which is an exceeding pleasant River, 
and place ; there goes onely with me there Mr. David Violent. I can 
go from New Perth to it in a Boat, in two houres and a half, let the 
wind blow as it will, and come back again in as much time. I wish I 
had as many Servants here as I could make use of; Any man that is 
frugal, and hath 300 lib. Sterling in Stock, to come over here, and bring 
over 7 or 8 good Servants with him, I could assure him in 3 years time 
he should make a stock better than 1000, if not 1500 lib. if he bestow 
his money right in Scotland, and take advice to bring all things here 
which is necessary for him to have in this Countrey. I am uncertain of 
the time I will be at Home, but I resolve you shall come over with me 
again, and ye will both think and say, when ye see the Countrey, that 
ye wish it had been done twenty years agoe. I thought it not fit to 
trouble my friends and relations, since I could not write [but] short 
Letters to them, but any of them that desires to know the condition of 
this Countrey, ye may shew them this Letter, since there is no secret 
in it : you^will find by William Burnetts Letter, that he desires some of 
his Sons to come over, and John Ged.dis [192] writes for some of his 
Brethren ; the which Letters cause [to be] delivered them carefully, 
and get ai answer, that if they be to come over, ye may speak for their 
passage timely. He tells some of them are good Wrights : — which is 
all at present, but keep a good heart to yourself, and take care of your 



298 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

Children, and I hope to see you with more Comfort than we parted, 
and I am your ever loving Husband while I breathe, 

David Mudie. 



James Johnstone of Spotswoode's Letter to his Brother^ John Johnstone 
Drugest in Edinburgh. 

East Jersey the 12th of December 1684. 
Loving Brother. 

I have taken up a part of my Land 9 miles from Amboy, 
and 4 miles from Piscaiaway, and as far from the nearest part of 
Rariton, on a Brook side, where there are exceeding great plains with- 
out any Timber, there is excellent Gunning for Deer and Turkies, of 
which there is great plenty, and easily shot. But I resolve to see a 
place called Barnegate which is 60 or 70 miles from this, on the South- 
erraost place of the Province, where there is a good River and Har- 
bour, the best Fishing and Gunning in any place in America 30 or 40 
miles from any Plantation. The Indians here are nothing to be feared, 
the Place being as peaceable as any where else. I had occasion to 
travel through Long Island, and Statten Islatid, and for many miles 
found as many towns and plantations in the way as in any so much 
Land in Lothean ; there are no Bears [193] nor Ravinous Beasts but 
Wolves, which are nothing to be feared, neither are the Countrey People 
afraid to be among them all night, in so much as I oft times going 
wrong, and lying out all night, and hearing their yells about me, and 
telling that I was afraid of them, the Countrey People laughed at it : 
neither are the Snakes any thing to be noticed, for nothing can come 
near them, but they give warning with the ratling of their tail, so that 
People may either kill them, or go by them as they please. 

Oxen are so well taught that they go sometimes in a Plough, or 
Cart, without Horse, or without a Gade-man ; Horses and Cattle are as 
cheap as in Scotland, considering their goodness ahd the difference of 
the Money. All sorts of Scots goods sell well here, ye will be advised 
with the next Occasion, what goods sell best in this place. I have 
great reason to thank God, that I am in a place which abundantly 
answers any thing I expected ; The Air is healthful, and the Soil 
fruitful ; the Indian Corn yields commonly 2 or 3 hundred fold, Oats 
20 fold as I am informed ; the Indian Corn is an excellent grain, I have 
eat it and like it very well in Pottage and Bread. There are several 
reasonable good towns in this Province, most of them hath more than 
eighty Families ; there are no poor persons here, but all are half idle 
in respect of what they work with you. 

Flax, twice heckled, sold at 9d per pound j Wool is very cheap, 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 



299 



Only work is dear. The Liquor we most use is Sider ; we have great 
store of Fruit. In many phices untaken up there arc many places and 
not a tree. I have never since last parting had any sickness to keep 
me from one Dyet, for which I render thanks to God. The Indians 
here make it their trade to kill Venison, and sell it to us; for a small 
matter, I will have my Family served with [194] Flesh all Winter; one 
of their Sachiams (which is their King) came to the Govcrnour when 
I came first here, desiring he might be suffered to trade with us, and 
not be beat out of our houses when they were drunk, but only that we 
might bind them, and permit them to cut timber, and some such things. 
At New Perth, we have a good Stationers Shop of Books. The land 
is no where difficult to clear, albeit the trees be 100 foot long, and 3 or 

4 foot over ; I would heartily wish and perswade any to come over 
that intends to live well, plentifully and pleasantly ; Neither is there 
any Tradesman or Servant that could come wrong to this place, and I 
could wish my best friends no better but [to be] in the same place with 
me. The old Inhabitants are a most careless and infrugal People, their 
profession are most part Protestants^ few Quakers, some Anabaptists, 
it is most desired there may be some Ministers sent us over, they would 
have considerable Benefices and good Estates ; and since it would be 
a matter of great Piety, I hope ye will be instrumentall to advise some 
over to us ; the place is abundantly healtlifull, as any else. There is 
a great difference betwixt the people here, who are Strong and Vigor- 
ous, and the people more Southerly in Maryland. We have great store 
of Venison which is sometimes as fat as Pork, one good Buck is sold at 

5 shil. and by the Indians at 2 shil. Oats are sold at 18 pence the 
Bushell. All sorts of Fish is here exceeding plentifull, the poorest Per- 
sons eat no meat that is Salt, except Pork ; in Summer they live much 
on Milk. I would no more value the Sea coming through if I had oc- 
casion, than ye would riding of 20 Miles ; let me be remembered to all 
friends, to Patrick Fortune who most carefully disswaded me from this 
Voyage ; which I doe not repent, but would [195] as carefully perswade 
others, who study their own good. What I most earnestly desire of 
you. for Ihe encouragement of this Plantation, is, [that] you would be 
Instrumental to send us over some Ministers, who I dare engadge shall 
afterwards ever be thankfuU, and I oblidged to be, your ever aflfectionate 

Brother. 

James Johnstone. 



Amhoy : or New Perth in America, 9 of November, 1684. 

Dear Brother, 

Having accidentally met with the Bearer, had not time to give you 
any particular accompt of this Countrey, only assure you, that it is 



300 "THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

beyond (not only) all our expectations, but all that ever you have heard 
spoken of it, we (praised be God) all of us arrived safely without the 
loss of any one Passenger ; scarcely any of them was ever sick, only 
we had much trouble coming from Maryland by land, our Skipper 
having for his own advantage put in first at the Capes of Verginia : 
but we have had a brave Prospect of the Countrey, and all the way, ae 
well as in this place where now we are, we found plenty of Corn, and 
all kinds of Fruit, with Fish, Venison and wild Fowls, in such abunr 
dance, that a Deer may be had tor 2 shilling Countrey money, and 
Turkies for 6 pence, which will be at least as big as any 2 Turkies in 
Scotland, and are really Turkies, only blacker than tame Turkies that 
you have seen. I shall give you full satisfaction with the next [196] oc- 
casion, pray you fail not to write to me when you meet with any, other- 
wayes you desoblidge him who is ever yours, 

D. Mc'Gregor. — 
Written to his Brother Munivard in Scotland. 



Patrick Falconer^s Letter to Maurice Trent. 

Elizabeth Toun in East Jersey., 
the 28ih of October, 1684. 

Sir 

My last was dated the 22, Current, from Philadelphia, at which 
time I could give you but a small account of the Countrey ; and as yet 
its but a small account I can give by reason that I have had but a 
little time here as yet ; I have travelled on Foot more than a 100 miles 
in East and West Jersey, and Pensilvania. I have also travelled in Mary- 
land, I cannot but say it is a good Countrey, but its possessed with a 
Debauched, Idle, Lasy People, all that they Labour for is only as much 
Bread as serves them for one Season, and as much Tobacco as may 
furnish them with Cloaths. I believe it is the worst improved Countrey 
in the world, for the Indian wheat is that they trust to, and if that fail 
them they may expect to starve. I find Pensilvania and the two Jerseys 
are the places which set themselves out most for Planting of Corn ; ae 
for the Jerseys I need not insist in commending of them, for David 
Barclay and Arthur Forbes, who had a longer stay here than I have 
had, will give you a more full account ; for I intend to write no more 
than I [197] am able to make good, I may say, that it is a pleasant 
Countrey, I did never see more pleasant Meadows, and Grass, than I 
have seen in both the Jersies ; I have seen plains of good Hay con- 
sisting of about 50 Acres of ground, hardly one tree to be seen upon 
the whole spot : And there are several places so. I can say its a well 
watered Countrey, and good waters, and if they were desirous, they 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 39 1 

might have a very good Q,uarrie here for Stone of any sort, and Lime- 
stone likewise ; but so long as Timber is so plenty, they will not be at 
the pains to seek after Stone ; there arc some houses in the Countrey 
built with stone, but very few. Having fallen in here, the end of the 
year, I cannot be capable to give an account what may the product of 
the Countrey, but I hear that all sorts of Grain hath very good Increase, 
I see [the] Countrey abounds with Apples, Q,uinches, Peaches, Walnuts 
and Chesnuts, and Strawberries in great abundance, wild Wine-Grapes 
are plentifull, wild-Fowl of all sorts, a great number of Deer, Turkic- 
Fowls wild, in great abundance and very big: I have seen these tilings 
in great plenty. I hope ye will excuse me because I am not capable 
to give an ampler account of the Countrey, for I have not been two 
dayes in one place ; I will tell you this is a good Countrey for men who 
resolves to be Laborious ; any who comes here they must resolve to 
work hard for the first two or three years, till they get a little Ground 
cleared, for this must be looked on as a wood-Countrey, tho I must con- 
fess the woods are not so thick as people expects ; and there are several 
places in the Countrey where there is little or no Wood. People are 
generally very curious to have their Land near Navigable Rivers, but 
when they are better [198] acquaint, they will find that the farther 
back the better is the Land. There are abundance of Fish and Oysters 
here. This is not a Countrey for idle people, but such as will be at 
pains they need not doubt but to get Bread here in plenty, — so I wish 
it be the Lords will that we may have a happy meeting again, his will 
be done ; I wish you may be protected by the Lord ; this from 

Your affectionate Friend and 
humble Servant, 

Patrick Falconer. 



Abstract of a Letter writ by Peter Watson, (who went over a Ser- 
vant with David Barclay, in the year 1683,) to John Watson, Messenger 
in Selkirk. 

New Perth, the 20th of August, 1684. 
Cusing 

I could never write to you before now, because I was never rightly 
settled, and am not yet fully settled, but I am from among the rest of the 
Servants. One James Reid and / and our Families are together, set 
out to a Farm at Amboy ; we are to have some Land laid out to us, and 
we are Stocked with two Mares, four Cowes, two Sows, two 0.ren : my 
Wife and /and the Child Richard are very well in health, and hath 
been so ever since we came out of Scotland. Now as for this Countrey, 



302 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

it is a very good Countrey ; indeed poor men such as myself, may live 
better here than in Scotland if they will but work, a man can have 
Corn and Cattle or any other Goods for his work, and he can sell 
these goods to some hands for money, it is not for a man that hath a 
Familie to come bound four years, but young men, who [199] have no 
trouble, they will do better to come and serve four years here than to serve 
in Scotland, for they are not so hard wrought as in Scotland, and when 
the four years are out, they can gain abundance to work to other men ; 
or if they desire to settle upon Land of their own, they can have it rea- 
sonably Cheap : the hardest work that is here, is clearing of the Ground, 
and felling of Trees, and the like ; the first year is the worst, till they 
be accustomed with the work of the Countrey. My Neighbour and I 
did clear from the middle of February till the midst of May, five Acres 
of Land and have it planted with Indian Corn, and Indian Beans, and 
Tobacco for our ow'n smoaking, a man who lives here needs go no 
where to buy any things, here he can have Corn and Cattle and every 
thino- that is necessary for mans use, if he be Industrious ; only the 
thino- that is dearest here is Cloathing, for there are but few Sheep to 
this Countrey ; but there are store of all other Beasts, such as HorseB 
and Cows, and Hoggs ; there is here good Fishing, good hunting of 
Deer, and other kind of wild Beasts : The Countrey is very healthie 
as I have seen yet, it is cold in the Winter like unto Scotland ; But 
fra once the Summer breaks up, it is hotter than it is in Scotland. There 
are here very good Religious People, they go under the name of Itide- 
pendants but are most like to the Presbyterians, only they will not 
receive every one to their Society ; we have great need of good and 
Faithful Ministers, And I wish to God, that there would come some over 
here ; they can live as well, and have as much as in Scotland, and more 
than many get : we have none within all the Province of East-Jersey, 
except one who is Preacher in Newark: there were one or two 
Preachers more in [200] the Province, but they are dead, and now the 
people they meet together every Sabbath day. and Read and Pray, and 
eintr Psalms in their Meeting-houses. This Countrey is very well 
settled with People, most part of the first Settlers came out of New 
En"-land, very kind and loving people, kinder than in Scotland or Eng- 
land ; And for the Indian Natives, they are not troublesome any way 
to any of us, if we do them no harm, but are a very kind and loving 
people ; the men do nothing but hunt, and the women they plant Corn, 
and work at home : they come and trade among the Christians with 
skins or Venison, or Corn, or Pork, And in the summer time, they and 
their Wives come down the Rivers in their Canoes, which they make 
themselves of a piece of a great tree, like a little Boat, and there they 
Fish and take Oysters. This Countrey is a very pleasant Countrey, 
with Rivers and Creeks to fish in ; only it is full of Wood, such as Oak 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 



303 



and Walnut tree, Chcsnut, Poplar, and Cedar. The only thing we want 
here is good People, I wish that all the poor Friends I or niy Wil'c hath 
were here: As for my Brother, if ye have a mind to come Brother, if 
you have but as much in the world as would transport you hither and 
your Family, I would desire you earnestly to come, and bring my Sister 
with you ; if you have as much as will transport you sell all and come, 
tho you had not a penny after your passage were payed, you need not 
fear if you have a mind to work. I was as little brought up with work 
as any man, yet blessed be God, I can work now as my Neigiibours, 
and live very contentedly with my Wife, better than ever we did in 
Scotland : show my Mother in Law that my Wife and I would be very 
well pleased if she would [201] come over, there are as old Women as 
she comes here out of old England : there was one came alongst with 
us older than she : if she will come she shall live with her Daughter 
and me, as easie, and as well as ever she did live in Scotland, and I do 
know that was well enough. My Wife and I are well at present, as 
you could wish, God be blessed ; I can say no more, but my love to my 
Brother, and his wife, and all Friends. 

I rest your loving Cusin 

Peter Watson. 



A Letter writ by John Campbell to John Dobie. 

New Perth 8th of November 1684 
B. John 

1 wrote a line from Philadelphia to you, as we were coming hither, 
your Cusin James Dobie the bearer is in such haste, that I cannot 
write what I would say ; but in short, we are come here to a good 
wholesome Countrey, in which with little Industrie a man may have a 
comfortable life. There is good Wheat and Oats growing here, and 
Indian Corn which our Servants hke very well ; There is Fish and 
Fowl [in] abundance, and of cows and Horses ; they labour with florse 
and Oxen. There is Deer through all the countrey, and Turkies which 
some of our servants have killed a part of already. There is Partrages 
and Q,uails very rife, that my wife yesterday morning saw about 20 of 
them walking before the door like Chickens. I shall say no more till I 
see further, for 1 am [202] with others going to the countrey on Mon- 
day to see for the countrey lotts : for I have taken up the Towns already, 
and cut down the trees of two Acres of ground with six men in three 
days. My service to all Friends. I am your most assured Friend 

John Campbell. 



304 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

A letter from Thomas Fullerton. Brother to the Laird of Kcnnaber, to 
his Brother in Law Doctor Gordon in Montrose. 

Elizahethtown 4 January 1685. 
Dear Brother 

By my last about a Month since, I dated from Amboy, you under- 
stand that we came to Sandy Hook 18 weeks after we sailed from Mont- 
rose, we were 9 weeks at Sea from Killebeg in Ireland, we had many 
cross winds, what other accidents we met with by the way were worth 
the telling, but not the writing : blessed be God we all kept our health 
very well, only one Boy fell overboard. What you expect, and I de- 
sign by this, is a brief, but true accompt, of the Countrey. The first 
land we discovered was about the middle o? Long Island, it appeared at 
first like trees, growing out of the Sea. Towards night we Anchored 
in Sandy Hook. The land is low and levell, that is the reason we 
were within 8 or 10 mile thereof, before we saw it ; the countrey ap- 
pears all over Woody : I landed on a Sandy-bank and close by the 
flood marsh where grew Bayes, sassafrax, and severall prettie shrubs I 
knew not : The Woods consist of severall kinds of Oaks, Chesnut, Hick- 
ory, Walnut, Poplar, and Beech ; Cedars grow on swamps and bar- 
rens, Firrs and Pines only on barrens. The ground generally is 2 or 3 
inches [203] deep of black dung as it were, below that is reddish mould. 
What you heard of the product of the Indian Corn, viz. 100 or 200 fold j 
of 20 or 30 fold English wheat, of the abundance of dears and wild 
horses and severall turkies, and of the great plenty of fishes, are all true. 
There is very much cider here ; In 13 or 14 years you may make 100 
barrells from your own planting : — the best fleshes of all kinds ever I did 
see are here, tho this in respect of Avhat you have heard, be generally 
tautoUogic : yet I found myself obliged to write it, because I am wit- 
ness to the truth thereof, without Hyperbole. 

Notwithstanding of all this, its very troublesome [and] expensive to 
settle a plantation here, and when it is done, I cannot promise you a 
man will grow very rich ; but he needs want nothing, and it is not every 
one will agree with the solitude of the Woods : those who can, and re- 
solve to lead a countrey life, cannot doe better than come hither. A 
merchant who will come over and set up store in the countrey for a 
year, will make cent per cent of several commodities, with which I doe 
allow none to be acquainted but commerads. I wish I had some money 
of my stock so employed, and sent safely here. Johnstone otSpotswood, 
and I have taken up, upon a river 6 or 8 miles [from] Amboy ; your 
Brother Thomas and Robert are here also. Servants are not easily 
entertained [obtained ?] here. I designed to have shot as many Squir- 
rels as would have furred a coat ibr you, but I am otherwise taken 
up. I have omitted to tell you that the weather here is constantly clear, 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. oqc 

the sun rises and setts free of clouds. I have observed none to have 
the cough in this country, tho' I have frequently hiin in tlie woods, 
abundance of fire is an excellent counter charm. Now brother as to 
your own coming over, [204] it will be time to invite you when I have 
a good house, and entertainment to treat you with unbought ; for you 
must not feel any of the inconveniencies I have met with ; we are all 
well, I pray God this may find you [so] also : present my service to all 
friends Male or Female, this letter will serve that ; present my service 
to my Grandmother; upon Christmass I drank her good health in 
Rhumb Madera, and Fial Wine. If I can be frugall, I may be soon 
rich here ;— by my next I hope to ensure 60, or 70, lib. to the parson, 
for we want a minister, this from 

Your Afectionaie Brother 

Tho: Fullerton. 



A letter from the same hand to the Laird of Brotherstovm in the Maims 
of the same date. — 

Kind Commerad. 

You were pleased so keenly to concern yourself with my welfare 
when I was by you, (and I find that absence augments true friendship,) 
that I am oblidged to acquaint you with my present fortune, which I 
hope shall be far better than what I could expect by so much Stock in 
Scotland. This place is not altogether boorish, for at New York you 
may have railing and Gallantry enough, the inhabitants are generally 
great spenders. Dear Drothertoun write to me, and give me an accompt 
of affairs, for I assure you, neither Governour nor Council will meddle 
with yours to me, nor mine to you : by my next I will write to Clunie 
and John Johtistone : in the mean time present my service to them. I 
am in haste to end writing, tho ever being 

Your Oblidged Commerad and humble Servant, 

Tho: Fullerton 



[205] Abstract of a Letter from Robert Hardie Merchant in Aber- 
deen, to his Son John Hardie Merchant there, dated from 

Elizabeth Toun, the 8 of December 1684. 
Loving Son 

I have writ two letters already to you at our arrival, another, shew- 
ing the death of your Brother William, and something of the countrey, 

20 



306 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

but knowe not if they be come to your hands ; and now, having this 
occasion, know that I am in good health, and your Brother Alexander, 
praised be God. Know that I intend to reside here, and should wish 
that I had all my children with me, but your conveniencie cannot per- 
mit, neither am I able to transport them as yet ; however, I desire you 
to acquaint your sister Elspeth, that I desire her to come over if possi- 
ble, with her first conveniencie. I intend before her coming to have 
a new house in New Perth, and a Plantation near by it ; if I had gott a 
good accompt of that Little cargo I sent over, I would have lived upon 
it here, as well as upon 100 lih. sterling in Scotland ; But I have got 
a bad accompt of it : however, I hope to Provide for you all with what 
is left, if the Lord bless. Shew my brother and brothers in law, that if 
they would come over with each of them two Servants, they could have 
good Land here, at an easie rate, they might live better than masters, 
and with less trouble, if they took but half the pains they take in Scot- 
land; for the Land is a brave and plentifuU Land. Shew Andrew and 
David Hardie that if they can but pay their Passage and come to me, 
I shall make them to live in better condition than ever formerly. I 
doubt not but some of our neighbours will come over, to bring [2063. 
servants here, who will give you a true accompt how I and others can 
live here : believe me this is a brave Land, and any who will be Indus- 
trious, may live very comfortably here. He who comes first will have 
the best choise, and most profitable, as for idle-men who will neither 
work nor trade, [they] need never come here, for there are none idle 
here. I wish you all a blessing from God, and so rests — 

Your affectionate father 

ROBERT HARDIE. 



A letter from James Johnstone of Spotswood, dated the 13 of February 
1685, from Piscattaway in East Jersey. — 

Dear Brother, These are to remember my kindest affection to you, 
my Mother, and all friends ; we have kept our healths hitherto exceed- 
ing well ; Have endured a short but very severe winter, now the Wea- 
ther hath been for some time by-gone exceeding good, was a Bear-seed 
Beason with you. I have been throw several or most places of this 
Countrey of late, But am not yet resolved where my first Husbandry 
ehall be : the Land is exceeding good which is yet to take up, much 
better than what is inhabited, only not so convenient ; the difficulty of 
clearing many places is no wayes considerable ; I find Land where 
Several hundred Ploughs may be presently set a work. I take all pains 
I can to be conveniently settled, and the Governour refuses us nothing 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 3^^ 

we desire. I stand in need of 40 pound value of goods, and some [207] 
servants; hoping to have Corn for them, and others who come over: I 
could wish your self were here, we could live competently and quietly; 
but I doubt how affairs may permit. I wish any Land I had were sold 
that you might be furthered ; present my love and service to my Mother 
and Sister, whom I hope to see here ; I wish you would send over 
some Ministers, one or more, to us I am. 

Your Affectionate and ever, 

mindful! Brother, 

James Johnstone. 



Now Sir, does not the perusal of their Letters, oblige you to be- 
lieve there is no deceit in the above written description of the place 
seeing you find the same HomoUogat by so many different persons : 
The HollograpJi of most of them have been perused by many persons 
in this City, and are to be seen by any inquisitive thereanent at Cap- 
tain Hamilton's Lodging at the Sign of the Ship, for their more satis- 
faction of tlie truth thereof. 

But tho you appear to be convinced that East Jersey is in itself a 
very desirable place, and consequently upon several considerations a 
very proper seat [208] tor a Coilony from this, yet I have ground to 
conjecture, from some tacit hints and insinuations in yours, that be- 
cause West Jersey. Pt^nsyivaiim. and, in a special manner. Carolina, are 
snore Southerly, therefore you think there is some ground to believe 
they may have the advantage of the Soyl. Seeing you oblige me to 
tell you freely my opinion of this afTair, I will be plain with you : the 
two first lying, the one upon the one side of the River of Delaware, the 
other upon the other side thereof, may have in themselves other advan- 
tages : but I cannot be so blind when I notice the Mapp, as not to dis- 
cover too palpable an inconveniencie to be past over, wherewith both the 
said Countries are much straitened: to wit, the Town of Newcastle 
lying upon the mouth of the River, which doth so absolutely command 
the River, that u-hatsuever is master thereof, may if they please, lay what 
imposition they think ft upon both the said Countries : seeing, if any 
dijjerence should fall betwi^vt the Town of Newcastle, and the Posst's.sors 
«r Inhabitants of those two Provinces, they may make tiiemselvcs very 
quickly Master [209] of them, by imposing what conditions they think 
fit upon them : seeing no ship can either conveniently go up or down 
the said River of Delaware but by allowance of any Fort, built upon 
the said Town of Newcastle. Whatever opinion others may have of 
this as a matter of no great import, I have these sentiments of the ap- 



3Qg THE MODEL OP THE GOVERNMENT 

parent inconveniencies thereof, as after perceiving it never to be any 
more so much concerned, as to make farther inquiry after these places, 
seeing in my apprehension, no advantage to be proposed there could 
compense that so visible [injconveniencie. 

As for Carolina, I confess it is nothing strange that any person who 
hath read Ogilby^s description thereof in his America, and Wilson^s in 
his Treatise thereanent, Judge it, in a manner, a Terrestrial Paradise ; 
but notwithstanding of all this, ere you pass any judgement upon my 
choosing rather East Jersey than Carolina for the seat of a Collony from 
this, allow me to give my reasons why I do prefer the one to the other. 
[210] We lye here in 56 Degrees of Northern Latitude, Jersey in 41, 
Carolina in 31 ; it is very obvious to any understanding person, that our 
removall to 41, is more probably contributive for our health, that to 31, 
being ten degrees hotter, and consequently more dangerous ; whatever 
opinion others may have of this I judge it a matter of no small conse- 
quence, health being very much preferable to all other things what- 
soever. — 

But further, our access to East Jersey is very patent, no apparent 
obstructions in the way, whereas the coast of Carolina is the most dan- 
gerous in all America, there being a bank of sand lying all along the 
same for 200 Leagues and upwards, so that the entry to any part thereof 
is altogether hazardous ; we have too sad a proof of the truth of this 
by the Shipwreck of the James of Air, upon that bank this last Harvest, 
in which were lost upwards of 60 people. 

Experience also teacheth that the Climate of Jersey is far more suit- 
able to our Constitutions than that of Carolina. [211] You find in all the 
Letters come from Jersey, this one particular specially marked, that it is 
a iery healthfull air ; no complaints of sickness there : whereas in the 
few Letters from our Countreymen settled in Carolina, You have an 
account of the death of the greatest part tvho went hence to that place. 

There is one further consideration obliging me altogether to close my 
Ears and Eyes against Carolina: whatever specious pretences may flie 
abroad in favour thereof, and be received by such who are not concerned 
fO enquire further than to hear-say ; and that is, the consideration of the 
model of the Government, than which nothing can be more discouraging 
to any having the sense of a rational Man, or spirit of a Gentleman. 
The offices of Honour and Trust, such as Chancellour, Thesaurer, Ad- 
miral, Secretary &c. are all Hereditably annexed to the Proprietors, by 
the constitution of their Government : so that let a Gentleman deserve 
never so well, however eminent his parts may be, he must in the first 
place purchase a property, ere he can attain to any of those places of 
[212] Trust, or Honor ; whereas, if you have so much Money as to 
make this purchase, you may then come to these preferments though 
you were the arrentest Blockhead in nature ! Money here makes you 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 3qq 

capable of Preferment, which neither Virtue, Merit, nor parts ran do ! 
Can there be a greater discouragement to any person of /Spirit or Hon- 
our, than to go subject himseU'to a Government wliere he sees himself 
debarred of any Trust or Preferment, howsoever deserving he may be? 
unless he hath money in a manner to buy it with. Both^in this Kinir- 
dom and our Neighbour Nations, we see mean Persons have by tlieir 
Parts and Merit raised themselves to places of the highest Preferments 
in the Kingdoms, and have discharged tliat Trust conferred upon them 
with Homur and Applause; So tliat wlien I have tliis consideration be- 
fore my Eyes I must conclude any who subject themselves to tliat 7ho(/c/ 
of Government are either ignorant of the Constitutions tiicreof, or of 
very mean Spirit, to settle themselves in a place where Virtue nor Merit 
can neither raise them, nor their Posterity ! [213] Let me add another 
Ground of my dissatisfaction with the Model of that Government, and 
you may judge whether the same be reasonable or not. There are 
eight Proprietors, by their Constitntiom it appears clear to me, that they 
are so many Sovereigns, seeing by one express Article of their Funda- 
mental Constitutions, it is declared, That the Proprietors are no uayes 
subject to Law, in so far as to he censured by any Judicature there : So 
that be their Actings never so Illegal, or unjust; if any [of] these eight 
Proprietors should commit Murders, or Rapes, or any other Act of Op- 
pression, they cannot be challenged upon account thereof in any Judi- 
catory in Carolina. 

These being so material objections, I need not add the apparent 
hasard o? being next Neighbour to the Spaniard, wliose interest it is to 
mine any settling at Poi^t Royal : how little probability there is, that 
any going at first from this can be of sufficient strengtli to defend them- 
selves against their designs, a^ in case of any assault from that airth. 
their next and only neighbour Charlestoicn [214] could not give that 
help, which were requisite in such an exigent, either against the Span- 
iards their next neighbours, at St. Aicgustines Fort, or the Natives, if 
they sliould become quarrelsome Neighbours. But from the complex 
consideration of all together, I must divest myself of my reason, ere I 
judge Carolina a proper seat to settle myself in. 

But tho you be obliged to grant that East Jersey may be the most 
desirable spot of ground upon the continent of America for such a de- 
sign, upon the above written considerations : yet I do apprehend you 
may incline to think that Tobago, St. Luce St. Vincerit, or some of these 
Islands, were yet more proper as affording at first view greater ground 
of expecting suitable returns to the apparent expense and hazards of 
such an undertaking; witness the great riches of Barbadoes, by tiie im- 
provement of Trade, from that place all Europe over. 

In answer to this I must confess, Sir, that there may be greater im- 
provements of such Islands as to trade, when they do come to that 



310 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

length of improvement, as to produce Sugars, Cotton [215] Indigo, <f c. ;■ 
But let me also tell you, there is a certain prospect of far greater and 
more imminent hazards in settling there, than in East-Jersey. It is cer- 
tainly obvious to the meanest capacities what hardsliips these must be 
obliged to lay their count to meet with who would enterprise such a de- 
sign, not only from the wants they might be exposed to throw lack of 
necessary supplies, wherewith they cannot expect the conveniencfe of 
being furnished, but from other hazards and difficulties. It is not small 
stock could set such a design on foot neither can it be expected that 
such Avho would engage in such undertaking from this place could in 
many years attain to that strength which were necessarily requisite for 
defending themselves even against the Piracy of a Buccanier or two 
far less against the invasions or assaults of foreign States and Princes. 

As for my own part I must confess I am not very anxious of great 
Riches, as the result of this undertaking, but to carry ray Wife and 
Children with me, I am bound the best I can to look to their Accommo- 
dation : when I land in East [216] Jersey there are Lodgings, and all 
other necessaries to be had for money, till by our own industry in La- 
bouring the Ground, we provide for ourselves, which could not be ex- 
pected in one of these Islands. If I have a Countrey no worse than the 
South of France, with these conveniencies above narrated, I desire no 
richer Soyl : though greater expectations might be had of the result of 
such a design of settling in one of these Islands, as to Profit and Gain^ 
when once come the length of a good Trade. 

But besides this our Countrey People which will be the strength of 
any Collony to go from this place know very well how to labour the Ground, 
for producing all sorts of Grains, after w> hat fashion to breed abundance 
of all sorts of Bestial, in both which, will the greater riches of Jersey 
consist : But it cannot be expected, that they know how to improve these 
Islands, for Sugar, Cotton, Indigo &c. and this being altogether out of 
their road, we should tMis be altogether deprived of the assistance we 
may rationally expect from them, by proposing to settle in a place where 
the Negro Slaves could do more service, and [217] be far more usefidl 
than the most laborious and judicious of o?<a- Countrey People. 

As for the ordinary Objection against settling in Jersey, upon account 
of the inconveniencies [that] may arise from having a Governour of 
Principles alledged inconsistent with the standing of any Society, upon 
this one head mentioning no other, that a [Governour'] who professes he 
judges it unlawful to draw his sword to defend himself against a Native, 
if he xvere coming to cut his throat, cannever be so carefd in providing 
such certain and speedy remedies for preventing any hazard that way, 
as are absolutely requisite for the security of these who settle there, both 
against any Designs of the Natives or Forreign Invasions. This is very 
easily answered, that tliere being several very substantial Citizens of 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 3 1 1 

/>on(7on concerned in this Plantation who are not of litis Prinrij)!.-, who 
have laid out considerable summs on this Design, as I am ohlii^cd to 
know by the account I have from one of them witli whom I havcrBome 
correspondence : who tells me he himself hath laid, ont 1800 pminds, It 
cannot rationally be supposed that they will be so unconcerned, as not to 
follow such measures as may secure what interest they have there. [2181 
Methods are already laid down, which I know will satisfie you in this 
particular, that as to defence against any such inconveniencics, East 
Jersey will be as effectually secured as any of the Neighbouring Plan- 
tations. — 

As for any other apprehensions you or others may have ujion this 
head, I shall only say, whatever Mr. Barclays Principles may be. he is a 
Gentleman known to be abundantly qualijied to advance the interest of 
that Collony ; else the Trust thereof had not been devolved upon him by 
the Proprietors, who are Men more knowing in their own affairs, than to 
have made an escape [mistake ?] in so material a point: they are Men 
abundantly sharpsighted to remark his Actions, and accordingly as they 
find them for the interest of the place, to continue him in that Trust or not ; 
And you may be assured, he understands himself so well as to behave him- 
self in that station so as becometh a Gentleman, concerned in h is own Credit 
and Interest, seeing upon the least malversation, he is as welllyable to cen- 
sure of the Law as the meanest Inhabitant. Which consideration abund- 
antly [219] secures any reasonable Man against the apprehensions of any 
inconveniencies from his being Governour; thohis inclinations prompted 
him to act upon a selfish design, to the prejudice of the general interest 
of that Province, I perswade myself, he is more a Gentleman, than ever 
to be guilty of anything that is base, or unbecoming a Gentleman. 

It is now more than time to bid you farewell, having nothing further 
to add, hoping from what is here said, you will rest satisfied, that in pros- 
ecuting this design, I do act upon solid foundations : let the result be what 
it will, I hope you are convinced I have not proceeded indeliberately 
therein. I am not so foolish as to propose no difficulties to myself to be 
rencountered, notwithstanding all the encouragements above written ; 
I am too well acquainted with all the Spanish, FreJich, Dutch, Portu- 
guese and English undertakings of this nature, and their straits and dif- 
ficulties they have been trysted with in prosecuting thereof, to think I 
have any ground to expect to be altogether exempted from ail the in- 
conveniencies they met with ; as to this I cast myself altogether upon 
the divine Providence, being convinced, I am in my duty. If you please 
to [220] take a share, it would be not a little encouraging to me ; you 
see that we have some Gentlemen of our Countrey settled already there, 
eo that I am hopefull we may have there a very agreeable society: if 
your affairs cannot allow, your good wishes are expected by, Sir 

Yours &c. G. S. 



312 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

Sir Since the conclusion above written severall other Letters are 
come to my hand which I liad not formerly seen, most of them of a 
later date : I resolved to add them to the rest for your further Confirma- 
tion. — 

A Letter for Mr Robert Paterson Principal of Marishal Colledge, in 
the City of New Aberdeen, w Scotland. 

Woodbridge, in East Jersey 
in America, March the 7th, 1685. 
Sir, I Hope you have heard of our Voyage and safe Arrival here. I 
thought it my duty to present my dutiful respects to you and all Friends at 
[221] Aberdeen, and to acquaint you of mine own and all their welfares 
who came over the last year, all which intend to settle in the Countrey 

except ^ , who has spent all his means already foolishly in 

drink, and is returning home for more. You have David Barclay and 
Arthur Forbes to inform you of this Countrey : when I have seeil it 
through all the Seasons of the year as they did, I shall then give you 
my opinion, if you be desirous : only in short, what I have seen I may 
write, — that it pleases me better than Virginia, Maryland, Pensylvania, 
or West Jersey, — that it is pleasant to mine eyes, and I find it healthful 
to my body. I am not troubled here (blessed be God) with defluctions, 
head aikes, and coughs, as at Edinburgh : — that the land is furnished 
with all conveniencies of Nature, such as Wood, Grass, Meadow, and 
abundance of fresh Water Springs, Brooks and Rivers, and plenty of 
Deer, Turkies, Geese and Ducks ; many tender Herbs, Fruits and Trees 
grow naturally here that will not grow in Scotland at all : these things 
are so notoriously known, that it is superfluity to write them, and no un- 
byassed person will deny them, or speak ill of the land. There is about 
a dozen or 14 houses in New Perth, and the half of those built since 
we [222] came ; several others are building presently, and many othera 
have taken Lotts to build ; Mr Mudie is building a stone house, and has 
a Horse Mill ready to set up ; Governour Rudyard intends another 
Stone house this Summer. — The Governours house, and the publick 
Court-house are abuilding. It is the best scituate for a City of any 
yet I have seen, or for ought I can learn, of any yet known in 
America. There is great encouragement here for all kind of 
Tradesmen : I intend myself to follow mostly Planting and Fishing. 
Let this remember me to all my Friends, Relations Comorads and Ac- 
quaintances at Aberdeen ; I could not write to them all, being busied 
about mine own settlement, and it is now far spent in the year, so that 
I do not expect to do much this year ; neither could I settle sooner, by 
reason that my bed-cloaths are not yet come from Mai-yland, and the 
land I intend to settle on is not yet purchased from the Indians. I in- 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 3I3 

treat to hear from you 011 all occasions, and what remarkable News 
abroad or at homo, and how the Civilisln place is disposed of. My 
eervice to yourself and bedfellow. I am Sir, Your most allectionate and 

humble Servant Charles (Jordon. 



[223] For Mr. Andrew Irvine Merchant, at his Shop, in the East 
end of the Lucken Booth in Edinburgh, in Scotland. 

Amboy in the Province 
oi East New Jersey, in 

America, March the 5th 1685 
Dear Andrew 

I suppose ye have heard of our voyage from my Brother, and 
Governour Barclay. I shall only in short tell you that notwithstanding 
the loss of our masts, we were not only 8 weeks betwixt land and land, 
and entered the Capes of Virginia the same day 9 weeks we parted 
from Aberdeen. We sailed up Chessapeek bay to the head of Bohe- 
mia River in 2 Sloopes, from thence we came to Elizabeth 7'o)f?/. partly 
by Land and partly by Water : the storm being the tail of a Hurricane, 
was not universall, for we heard of no Ships which met with it but 
ourselves ; nor the Montrose Ship did not meet with it. There is en- 
couragement for several trades here ; in the first place Planting : for 
Wheat, Indian Corn, Beef, Pork, &c. give all ready money in York and 
the Neighbour Collonies : Wheat 4 shillings the [224] bushel, Indian 
Corn 2s or half a crown. Pork and Beef &c. to be had at an ordi- 
nary easie rate. And in the second place there may be Fishing: For 
the Inhabitants aver they swim so thick in the Creeks and Rivers, at 
certain seasons of the year, that they have hailed them out of the water 
with their very hands. In the third place for one to have a Malt house, 
a brew house, and a bake house, to make Malt, brew beer, and bake 
bisket for Barbadoes and the Neighbour Collonies; providing lie have 
a Ship of his own, and skill to manage his business, would certainly be 
a good trade. Lastly for one to buy up the product of the Conntrey, 
such as all kinds of grains. Beef, Pork &c. and export them to Barba- 
does, and import Rumm and Malasses, would certainly be a good trade ; 
as likewise change keeping would be a good trade in Amboy, for the 
highest designe of the old Buckskin Planters (I am just now drinking 
to one of them, our Countreyman, who was sent away by Cromwell io 
New England ; a slave from Dunbar, Living now in Woodbridge Like 
a Scots Laird, wishes his Countreymen and Native Soyle very well, 
though he never intends to see it. Pardon this Parenthesis,) is to acquire 
a piece of monie to drink [225] in the change house. This Countrey 



314 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

and particularly the Town (showeth it to be the best scituated for a 
city of any here known in America) is but yet in infancie (it not being 
above 48 years at most since ever there was a Planter in the Province: 
and that occasioned by their changing so many masters) yet there are 
severall thousands of People already, and no want of good company, 
and if ye please bad too, as in any place of the world : neither are we 
destitute of Books and Clergy, for George Keith (who arrived three 
weeks since with others, they were all winter in Darbadoes) hath brought 
Mathematicks, and Benjamin Clark a Library of Books to sell : so that 
you may see New Perth begins to be founded upon Clergy. Shew my 
Cusins, George Burnet and Richard Maitland, that I hope they will 
not laugh more at me, for saying in Edinburgh, I would line my house 
with Cedar-wood, for all houses here are covered with Cedar, and one 
just now built in Perth, altogether of Cedar Wood, it is reckoned a wood 
of no value here, except for its lastiness. I intend to follow Planting 
myself, and if I had but the small stock here I have in Scotland, with 
some more servants [226] I would not go home to Aberdeen for a Begetv- 
cie, as was profered me; neither do I intend it; however, hoping to 
get my own safe over. We are not troubled here leading our pitts, 
mucking our Land, and ploughing 3 times: one Ploughing with 4 or 6 
oxen at first breaking up, and with 2 horses only, thereafter, suffices for 
all ; you may judge whether that be easier Husbandrie than in Scot- 
land. But I know you are no good Husbandman ; But which of the 
aforesaid trades you will choose, if you will come here yourself is more 
than I can divine, or will advise you to ; I have told you how things 
are, and in God\s Name take your own choice, as I have done. I shall 
tell you what I would do were I in your place, if it shall fall out you do 
come, I would get some trusty Comorads, Merchants, to joyn with me, 
and sett up a trade in Perth, for I think a mans own trade fitts him 
best : if you have 5000 Merks it is enough, 4 in goods and one in 
Money. Let none come here destitute of money, it is of great request 
here, and ^gets cheape Pennyworths, and 25 per cent of advantage by it : 
but I doe not advise you, for if you should meet with such trouble and 
disappoyntments as we have done by being put by our Port, you would 
perhaps be discouraged, and give me the blame. All our baggage ia 
not yet come from Maryland, and I want yet my bed Cloathes. and the 
Land I intend to settle on is not yet purchased from the Indians ; for 
after I have viewed all the Province, such of it as is yet habitable, I have 
chosen the South branch of Rariton-River for conveniency of Fishing, 
Fowling, and Meadows ; but all the best Land lyes back from the Riv- 
ers, and the Sea Coasts ; the further hack the better it is, which neces- 
sitates me to go a mile back. In brief what you heard of the countrey 
is all true, so I need not spin out long Descriptions of it: no unbyassed 
and indifl'erent Person will speak ill of the Land, it is both pleasant, and 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 



315 



wholesome ; and industiious People, after some few years Labour, may 
lead a pleasant, easie Life, and want for nothintjr; and I am oro|)iiiion 
may grow rich too, if they take pains for it, and follow Mticliandi.>^ing ; 
and some are actually grown rich since they come hero vvlio iiad no- 
thing before. If any shall miscredit what I have i^aid, I shall not think 
myself baffled for that, but let them live in their opinion and I will live in 
mine ; And if they please they may do with me as I did with John Skeens 
Wife, cast my Letters in mine own teeth, and when [228] they come 
upon the place, I shall make good what I say, face to face, as she did 
to me : and if they come not themselves, they need not trouble them- 
selves whether it be true or fiilse. The goods fit for this Countrey are 
all kinds of house hold Plenishing, without which and a years provision 
in victualls, let none come hither, if they would wish not to be preyed 
on by the old Planters. All course cloth such as hodden grayes, and 
Plaiding, course stockings and Linning ; no fine things for an infant 
Countrey, except for a mans own use : course Bedding and Blankets : — 
Governour Barclay can give you full information as to this point. The 
Inconveniencies we have met with are, great trouble and charges for 
want of our baggage; there is likewise trouble and charges for the first 
settlement in carting out ones goods to the woods: — fencing is the chief 
difficulty, and if there be many great trees the loggs must be drawn off 
with oxen and the branches burned, the trees are felled equal to a man's 
thigh high, but the roots are no impediments ; where is much brush the 
roots must be plucked up with grubbing howes : any man may learn 
Husbandrie here who was not acquainted with it in Scotland, {Tohn.cco 
would grow here as well as in Maryland^ but it is [229] best for Euro- 
pean graines :) I doe not intend to write more Letters to Edinburgh 
with this occasion, being busied about mine own settlement; therefore 
I intreat you will remember me to all my friends. Relations Comorads 
and Acquaintances at Edinburgh, and shew them of my welfair ; that 
I had not my health so well these 7 years by-gone, as now (Blessed be 
God.) and that I am not troubled with coughs and head aikes as in 
Edinburgh, which is likewise a great motive for me to stay in this 
Countrey. I intreat to hear from them all ; you will not readily miss 
occasions from London every Month to some place in America : And 
there is ordinarily occasions hither from the neighbour CoUonics. I 
have received Letters from the Bissets, and my Brother, from Mr. Alex- 
ander since we came : I entreat to hear particularly from the Professor 
of Divinitie and Mathematicks, Doctor Pitcairn, Mr. George Alexander, 
and any others who shall ask for me, wishing you and all your concerns 
well, I continue Dear Cusin, 

Your most affectionate Cusin 
and humble Servant 

Charles Gordon. 



316 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

Postscript by the foresaid hand 
[230] If any pleases to tell me what their scruples are, I shall en- 
deavour to answer them, if Servants knew what a Countrey this is for 
them, and that they may live like little Lairds here, I think they would 
not be so Shy as they are to come ; and during their service they are 
better used than in any place in America I have seen. You may know 
my Subscription by the sign I gave you of my Pistoles misserving in 
the Boat, or at least when you tell your mother, you may mind on me, 
for you will miss some pints of wine you spent with me (that Friday 
night, you conveyed me aboard) on the Shore, and in the Ship. If 
there were a Caball of Merchants here to export the product of the 
Countrey to Barbadoes, and the West Indies, and to Import Rumm, 
Malaises. Sugar and Cotton^ &c. it would do a great deal of good to 
this Countrey. I intreat to know what remarkable Revolutions has 
happened either abroad or at home since I came away. Any Mer- 
chants who settle [231] here must take Lotts in the Town, and build 
houses. Mr. David Mudie is building a stone house, and hath already 
a Horse mill ready to set up presently in New Perth. Adieu — 



For Mr. James Mudie Merchant in Montrose. 

New Perth, the 9th of March, 1685. 
Sir, My Love ever being remembered to yourself, Lady aad Chil- 
dren, these are earnestly intreating you to let my Wife have any little 
thing she stands in need of untill it shall please the Lord I return, and 
I shall pay you very thankfully, I have left Thomas Parson, and re- 
solves to trade this Summer in the Countrey, and to come home with 
your Uncle the next Spring. I wish you were here and your whole 
Family, for I doubt not but the Countrey would please you well ; For 
there is abundance of much better Land here than ever Arbikie was, 
and an Earldome to be bought far below in pryce the vallue of what 
Buch pettie Lairdships as Arbikie is sold for in Scotland; without 
purging of the Lands of any incumbrances. For I [232] hope to winn 
as much monie this year, as will buy a better Lairdship than Arbikie ; 
and if ye resolve not to come over, I resolve to buy Land before I come 
from this, and title it Arbikie. But I shall be sorrie to take away your 
title, but if I do, it will be your own fault : and for your better incourage- 
ment, I know you love a Gunn and a Dogge, and here ye will have use 
for both. For Wilde Geese, Turkies, Ducks, and Drakes, Partridges. 
Conies, Doves, and innumerable more kinds of Fowls [of] which I 
know not their names, are here to be seen every hour of the day, in 
flocks above Thousands in Number ; And for your skieft which you use 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 3 ( 7 

to Fish with bring here with you, or one like her, for I assure you of 
good employment, and yet ye may catch more Fish in one hour hero, 
than any Fisher in Montrose in two, excepting Podlocs at tiic shore 
head. 

Sir, take this as no jest from me, for wliat is here written is a rcall 
truth : but ye may think, it is not my dictating, but the Writer and I 
have set it together the best way we can ; But yet not so [23:^J full as I 
would have had it. Present my Love to your Sister, Uncle, and all 
Friends, and I am Sir, 

Your very loving Friend and 

Cusin James Mudie. 



A letter from David Mudie, Merchant in Montrose : For James 
Mudie q/Courthill in Scotland. 

New Perth the ^th of 

March 1685. 
Loving Brother 

I wrote you a lyne upon my arrivall] here, and by my last to my 

Wife, of the date the 12 December, I desired her to let you see it, which 

1 hope she has done if it be come to her hands ; I do now understand 
this Countrie, better than I did at that time, and the longer I travell in 
it I like it the better : for a frugall man with a small fortune may very 
soon raise a good Estate, which I wrote formerly to my Wife. In rela 
tion to the Countrie, I find it most certain and much better than I 
wrote : this Winter hath "been exceeding hard and sharpe, the like not 
seen by those who have lived 20 or 30 years in it, which hath [234] 
hindered me of a great deal of work: yet I have cleared three Acres of 
Ground to be an Orchard and a Garden, which lyes close to the house 
which I am a building, which is all of Stone work with Cellars under 
the Ground, six Rooms off a floor, two Stories high, besides the Garrat: 
and I have two Masons dayly working at it since the first of February : 
three Wrights working at an Horse mill which will be clear against the 
latter end of this month : And I am told that the Mill will be Avorth 100 
lib a year, but I am sure she will be better than 50. of clear Money, for 
every Scots boll of Wheat or Indian Corn payes here for grinding of it 

2 shill : Ster. This house and mill stands me a great deal of Money, 
but there is none such in this Countrey, nor ever was. I resolve to go 
out to the Countrey to the Land which I have taken up, which is 2 
hours going from my own house by water ; I mind to settle some of my 
Servants there against the middle of this Month ; I am provided with 
six course Horses, Oxen and Swine sufficiently in number, lor any 
Plantation for the first year : the Land I have settled on, in my Judg- 



318 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

ment is extraordinary good. If any Friends or Acquaintance hath any 
inclination to [235] come over here, I can assure them, if they be Fru- 
gal! men, and have but 300 lib Sier: Slock, they may live better than 
a Gentleman with us of 40 Chalders of Victual!. I cannot now resolve 
to come home til this time twelve Months, since Thomas Parscn hath 
eo much disappointed me, as I have written to my wife : but agamst 
that time, if the Lord preserve my health, I will come home tlien. 
Present my service to Arbikie, and to my Sisters, and to all our 
Friends, whicli will save me trouble to give them a Line ; my love to 
your wife, and children, I am, 

Your loving Bi'other 
David Mudie 
Let Arbikie, my sisters, 
and the rest of my Friends 
see this Letter. 



Abstract of a letter from Robert FuUerton Brother to the Laird of 
Kinnaber, to Brothers a.nd Sisters, from Amboy the 6 of November 
1684 

Dear Brothers and Sisters, 

By the Mercies of the Most High, we are safe arryved, after a long 
Demur by [236] contrary winds : we encountered very happily at first 
with Long Island and the next day came to an Anchor in New Jersey^ 
The Passengers did all very well, though we had some very rough 
gusts, and were very thronged in so small a vessel, being 130 Souls, be- 
sides Sea-men: of these 27 were women, 6 or 7 children only; one man 
whom I hyred in your house called William Clark standing carelessly 
upon the Forcastle tumbled over boards, and drowned tlio we put out 
our boat and endeavoured in vain to save him. This Countrey pleaseth 
us very well, and appears to be nothing short of our expectation. We 
were yesterday, ranging about viewing our Land, whereof you shall 
have accompt by the next : the Land in general is good, and agrees 
with the accompt you have heard : the Trees are notliing so invincible 
as I did imagine, being neither so thick nor so great as we thought. 
The first plant which 1 touched was wild Bayes. which grow in abun- 
dance here, the fruits are very excellent, such sorts as 1 have seen — ap- 
ples the best I believe in the world, some I have seen oJ' a pound weight 
[237] Cattle in generall are abundantly plentifull, especially Horses 
and Oxen; the greatness and latness of the Oxen will Countervail the 
Ditlerence of the price, being about 5 lib sterling. The Countrey is 
not altogether levell, as some other Couiitreys here, but hatli easie 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 



319 



rysings, and Vallies. My new experience cannot give you euch an 
accompt as you may afterwards expect, but in generall the Countrcy 
may satisfie any rationall ingenuous mind ; yet I find there be Novices 
who know no happiness save home, with a glass of Wine, and Com- 
orads in a change House: tho there be no want licrc of mure nohle di- 
vertisements as hunting wild Beasts, wild Horses, and Deer : yesterday 
I did see several droves of Deer, and wild Horses, as I did ride up 
in the Countrey. The Lund which we were viewing is a large ])lain, 
under the blew hills, watered with two or three little Rivers, about 8 or 
9 miles from New Perth, four from Rariton River Northward ; the land 
downwards is all taken up by the Q,uitrenters of Piscatawaij, liood- 
bridge, or Elizabe(h(own. There shall be nothing of care wanting in 
[238] your affairs, and I do expect the like from you ; I hope my Grand 
Mother is in health. — wish her from me long life, and good health, and 
assure her she wronged the Countrey in her opinion : present my love 
to all my Friends. — I am Your 

affectionate Brother 

Robert Pulterlon. 



A letter from John Forbes Brother to the Laird q/"Barula 
Directed to Mr James Elphingston oi Logic 
Writer to His Majesties Signet in 
Edinburgh, in Scotland 

From Amboy-point, alias New Perth, 
in the Province of East New Jersey, 
in America March IS 1685. 

Honored Sir, 

I having the occasion of this Bearer Mr Drummond, brother to 
John Druvimond the Factor in Edinburgh, and who came Passenger 
with me to this place from Scotland, I could not omit my duty in ac- 
quainting you by [239] this line of our safe arrival into America ; tho 
being by the Divine Hand of Providence miraculously preserved from 
the cruelty of the tempestuous Ocean, occasioned by a mighty storm of 
wind, (which happened upon the 12 day of September last) and which 
blew so tempestuously, that, in short, it carried first away our Bollsprit, 
and afterwards our whole three Masts, Flagstali; and all by the board, 
before the Sailors were able to get them out: it likewise took away the 
awning above our quarter-deck and left not so mucli as an yanl ol' a 
rope above our heads, all of which was done in the space ol" half an 
hour. We lay thus distressed like a pitiful Wreck all that night, (we 
having lost our Masts about 12 of the clock in the day) and two daye« 



320 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

thereafter at the mercie of the Waves (which being hke mountains oc- 
casioned by the great storm of Avind) without hopes of recovery, being 
then above 200 leagues from this land of America, tossing to and fro 
expecting that each wave should overwhelm us : Yet at last it pleased 
God to turn the storm into a calm : and having preserved all our lower 
Yards, we made all haste and made Jury Masts of them ; with the help 
whereof (tho very unsufficient ones, to drive forward the bulk of so 
great a Vessel) and of [240] Gods miraculous Mercie and Providence, 
Who — immediately after we had put our ship in any mean posture for 
plying out her Voyage, — was pleased to send us such a fair and mode- 
rate gale of wind, a^ brought us in sight of the Capes of Virginia, 
within 15 dayes after, or thereabouts, having never ceased for the 
whole time till it brought us thither in safety. So we came within the 
Capes, and sailed up that great Navigable Bay, called Chessapeik bay, 
up through all Virginia up to Maryland, where we landed at the place 
where our ship was bound to take in her Tobacco, lor her homeward 
Loadning. But being thus Disabled, and not being able to ply out her 
Voyage to this place (where she ought to have landed us,) we was ne- 
cessitated to travel from thence by Land to this place, being upwards 
of 200 English miles, and having left our Goods behind us, (which was 
thereafter to come about in a Sloup) we was necessitated to stay all 
Winter in this New and young Citie, Avhere we had but very bad Ac- 
commodation for Lodging, tho we knew of no want of Victuals of all sorts 
for money, tho at a considerable dear rate. This hindered us long from 
our falling to work about our husbandries, 'which was a great loss of 
time to us ; However, when our Sloup came about [241] — which did 
not hold the half of our goods, So that every man yet wants the half of 
his goods. But are dayly expecting them by the same Sloup which we 
fraghted thither back again — I went out to the Woods to the Land we 
had pitched upon, with several otliers of our Countreymen such as Tho : 
Gordon, and Mr. Char : his Brother, Brothers to the Laird of Slraloch, 
J^mriaiar's two sons liobert andMr Thomas Fullerton, James Johnstone 
of Spotswood, and John Barclay the Governours Brother, with some 
others ; where we have all pitched near by one another, upon a piece of 
excellent land as we suppose ; Whereof I judge I have not the worst (if 
not the absolute best) piece of land in all the Tract, for we had it all at 
our own choosing and not by lots. This land lyes not on a Navigable 
River, but about 5 or 6 miles from Rariton River, which is Navigable 
up the nearest place to our Plantations ; For the best places of the 
Rivers are already inhabited by the old Planters of this Countrey who 
have been here some 16 or 18 years agoe. There are many places 
upon Navigable Rivers yet untaken, and some very near this place also, 
which is intended to be the Metropolis of this Province, But it is gene- 
rally sandy barren land ; and the best [242] land is computed by all to 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. oni 

be in the woods, back some several miles from the Navigable Rivers ; 
So that we rather chuse land for profitableness, than for Conveiiioficcs 
of Towns and pleasure allenarly ; [entirely ?] For tlieri' is abundaiiee both 
of good and barren land in this Province, So that a man may chuee 
some for pleasure, and some for profit and Conveiiiency, for 1 intend to 
take up about 4 or 500 Acres where I have now settled: which is on a 
very pleasant place and good land, and whereof I have, with two hands 
(not having had time to get many Servants away with me. having 
come away upon so short advertisement; and whereof I lost one at Ma- 
ryland by sickness : so that now I have but two, and a woman Ibr 
dressing our Victuals and cloaths, till I get more sent me tiiis year) 
already cleared, or at least will clear, and [have] in Corn this year about 
8 or 10 Acres of ground ; tho it was prettie thick of stately tall Timber; 
and tiiat since the 26. of January, at which time I went to the woods. 1 
have 1000 Acres to take up at this time, out of the first Division of 10 - 
000 Acres, ordained to be laid out to every Proprietor: I havino-boutrht 
a 10th part, whereof my Brother is half sharer. I have also taken up 
400 Acres of excellent fine land on [243] Rariton River, about 20 miles 
above Amboy, whereon I design to set servants, that I expect over this 
ensuing summer : and so to divide our said parcels, and improve them 
for a year or two to tlie best advantage, and then to sell them off If I 
design to come home, which we can do at good profit. Now for a 
general description of this Countrey ; — it is a fine place for those who 
have a good stock, to lay out upon a stock of Cattel of all sorts, which 
do greatly multiply here in a short time, and are sold at great rates, 
and may soon increase a stock greatly : or it is a good Countrey for 
an Industrious Frugall Man, tjiat designs to follow Husbandries close- 
lie : providing he bring but some little stock to stock a Plantation with- 
all : or it is very good for Tradesmen, as good Carpenters. Smiths, 
Tailors, &c who will get lafge wages a day : But it is not a Countrey 
for idle sluggish People ; or those who cannot sometimes put too their 
hands, and encourage their Servants. It is a place that produces many 
fine Fruits, and Physick Herbs ; The Woods are stored with wild 
Deers, Conies, Wolves, Bears, Racouns, some Beavers, and several other 
Beasts, which have fine Furrs; and Fish, and Water Fowl for the 
killing. The Timber [244] are mostly Oak of all sorts, Walnut, Ches- 
nut, whereof there are great abundance where I have planted, tho they 
be scarce so bigg as these that comes to Scotland, yet large and pleas- 
ant. Strawberries grow very thick upon the ground amongst the Trees, 
so that some places of the Woods are in Summer as it were ct)vercd 
with a red cloth. As I am certainly informed. Fruit Trees advance at 
a great rate in this place, for a Man may have an Orchard within a few 
years after the Planting, that may yeeld him a great quantitie of Cyder, 
which is the chiefest ol" their drink in this Province, even amongst the 

21 



322 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

meanest of the Planters. So that this Countrey if well improved, may 
make a fine place ; for Nature has been deficient in nothing to it, either 
for pleasure or fruitfulness of the Soyl ; So that a man being once set- 
tled two or three years in it, and having Corn, Cattle, and all things 
necessary for the use of man within himself, And the trouble and hard- 
ship of his first settling by his hand, He may live as comfortably here 
as in any place in the World : Providing he could dispence with the 
want of his Friends and Relations, and the satisfaction of their Compa- 
nie, which is the loss I most regrett in this place. And thus having 
given you a short description of the place, I [245] cannot but in the 
next place, much regrett my misfortune, in not seeing you and taking 
your advise before I came to this place : But my Resolution was so 
sudden, by the encouragement I received from the Chief Governour, 
and some of the Proprietors at Aberdeen : (having come in onely to see 
my Sister with my Brother) and by the many Gentlemen that were 
going along in the ship, that I was induced to go along without so much 
as taking my leave of any of my Friends, save onely those that were 
then in Town : So that I came of resolution onely to see the place, and 
to settle onely if I found conveniency. — And having thus abruptly come 
away, when I came here, I designed not to return till I took some tryal 
of the Countrey, that at my return I might be the more able to give a 
true accompt thereof I am not as yet of any determined resolution as 
to my staying for altogether, as yet, but I resolved to stay this year, till 
I see what the ground produces, and to see how my endeavours take 
effect ; and God willing, by that time, I may in some measure be re- 
solved what to do, for then the greatest hardship will be over my head ; 
and by that lime I will have up a prettie good house, which is near 
already framed, whereas hitherto I have dwelt for the most part here in 
a Wigwam : [24:6'} (as we call them here) accounting all our hardship 
in the beginning but short, in expectation of good success in the end. 
But however I may be resolved hereafter, I intend, God willing, life 
and health serving, to come home or start within this year or two, and 
see all my Friends, and apologise the best manner I can for my abrupt 
departure. Now having thus in some measure discharged a part of my 
dutyfull respects towards you by this line, in letting you know of my 
wellfare and present condition ; Earnestly desiring ye will favour me 
with a return by the first occasion ; wherein I shall be glad to hear of 
your welfare, of your kind Ladies and Children (To whom and others 
my nearest Friends and Relations, and Comerads, I desire the favour 
to be Kindly remembered) begging pardon for [this trouble, and your 
patience to peruse this, when your leasure can permit : and afterwards 
to communicate it to my Uncle, Calder-hall and his Lady, or to my 
Cusins Harrie LocJdiart, or George Erskine, if they call for it : I not 
^laving time at present to write to them at length, as I have in haste 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 303 

done to you. I shall forbear to give you further trouble at prcBent ; in- 
treating you to remember me kindly to your Worthy and oblidging 
[247] Lady, and fine Children, and shall only subscribe myself, as I 
sincerely am, and shall continue, Sir, Your most affectionate Cusin 

and oblidged Servant, while 

John Forbes. 



A Letter from Thomas [Robert?] Fullerton, to his Brother the 
Laird o/'Kinnaber, dated from his new possession, in the plains of new 
Coesarea : Jamcary 7 1685. 
Dear Brother, 

You have, above, a transcript, containing the principal Contents of 
an abrupt Letter, sent you three or four days after our arrivall : since 
that time we iiave possessed our Selves in the above mentioned plain 
11 miles from New Perth, four from Rariton Northward, and 12 from Eli- 
zabeth-Town ; we have the honour to be the first Inland planters in thJH 
part of America, for the former Settlements have been by the River- 
sides, which are all possessed [248] by the Quit-renters ; the which I 
would have grudged at, had I not found the goodness of the Land up- 
wards will countervail! the trouble of transportation to the water. Ab 
to the number and nature of these Quit-renters, they are about 2 or 300 
Families, some civill and Discreet, others rude and Malcontent with 
the late Purchassers, and need some thing of austerity to make them 
Complaisant. We have at present sharp frosts, and a good deall of 
Snow, tiaree dayes of vitrifying frosts this winter, had not its match for 
cold these 16 years by gone, as the Inhabitants do inform us. Against 
this extream, we have a good Defence of Fire, and telling of Treee, 
and might live warm enough, were we not forced to travell for recruit 
of Provisions. I reckon the winter to consist only of nights, for the 
Su7is appearance by day moderateth the cold, and melts the Frost : I 
do not find the cold here to cause obstructions or coughs ; the Air is 
ever transparent. We have singular good stomachs, which if it con- 
tinue as they say. it will require a fertile Countrey when peopled. 
[249] I cannot find it necessary to give any particular account of this 
Countrey witli its product, because ye have had already many, and 
some very ingenuous of this nature ; besides I have not yet proof of all 
the seasons of the year. We have tiie Deer to walk tlie round nightly 
■about our Lodge ; this morning I shot a large Hart, and followed luu 
bloody tract in the snow above two miles before he dyed ; I believe the 
fattest Deer in the world are here. We have made choise of your land 
next adjacent to mine, and have placed your Servants there, where 



324 



THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 



they will settle if we find convenient, when the snow is away : this is 
all at present from, 

Your affectionate Brother 

Robert Pullerton. 



Another Letter from the same hand, dated the 10 of March 1685. 

Dear Brother 

Before the despatch of the above written, of the date of this Instant, 
so that they may both go [250] together ; the Winter is now past, and 
we are providing ground for the seed, the Fields being bare, we can 
better distinguish where is good land. We have chosen our chief Plan- 
tation and yours two miles further up in the Countrey, close under the 
blew Mountains, where you may reckon you have an Estate of 40 Chal- 
ders of Victual, with no more Wood thereon than yourself would desire, 
and it might yeeld no less yearly, presently, if it were all plenished after 
a little pains to root out the brush ; that which wanteth Wood is open 
plain with short bushes, which we cut at the roots with a how. I wish 
the adjacent bounds were purchased, and possessed by our friends, who 
have any design this way; for it is excellent land; the mould in the 
Province in Generall, is either like that I possessed at the Northwater, 
or more marly or clay ; but all of it hath 3. 4. or five inches of black 
rotten mould uppermost. I have not much more to trouble you with, 
but my respects and love to all Friends; if my Uncle or any other 
Friends send their Sons here, let them advert to this Maxim, A Gentle- 
man [251] that is not to work himself mii^t be well provided with a stock, 
and this must be more or less as he designs his Estate. I question not 
your care in my affairs ; neither need you question in your concerns 
the care of 

Your affectionate Brother 

Robert Fullerton. 



Abstract of a letter from Charles Gordon {Brother to the Laird of 
Slraloch) to Doctor John Gordon, Doctor of Medicine at Montrose, 
dated at 

Woodbridge, in East Jersey, 7 o/ March 1685. 
Dear Brother, 

I Design 100 pound Sterling for goods and servants ; if Tradesmen 
and Servants knew they were better used here than in any Neighbour- 
ing Collonie, and that after their time is expired, they may gain a stock 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 325 

by their work, and live like some of your Lairds before tliey dye, tiiey 
would not so mucli scrouple to eonie hither. There are a number of 
queries proposed by our Brother [251] Thotmis to tiu' Fuilertons, which 
I remember you desired me to answer ; the most materiall of them are 
answered, by this and my former Letters ; I shall therefore supcrceed 
any long discription of it, till I see it throw ail the seasons of the year; 
in short, I see it pleasant, and furnished with all ronveniencics of Na- 
ture, such as woods, grass meadow, plenty of Fresh Springs, Creeks, 
and Rivers ; I find it wholesome for I am not (blessed be God) troubled 
here with Defluction, head-akes, and coughs as at Edinburgk, which 
is a great inducement for me or any valitudinary man to stay in this 
Countrey ; People come from JJarbadoes, to York, and hither, for their 
healths sake.— If you design to come hither yourself, you may come as 
a Planter, or a Merchant, but as a Doctor of Medicine I cannot advise 
you ; for I can hear of no diseases here to cure but some Agues, and 
some cutted legs and fingers, and there are no want of Empericks for 
these already ; I confess you could doe more than any yet in America, 
being versed both in Chirurgcry and Pharmacie ; for here are abund- 
dance of [253] curious Herbs, Shrubs, and Trees, and no doubt Med- 
icinall ones for making of drugs, but there is little or no Imployment 
this way. Your Servants are settled on a pleasant plain beside the 
Fuilertons on a brook ; called The Vine or Cedar Brook, from a swamp 
of Cedars from whence it springs, and the multiplicity of vines which 
grow upon it. All your friends and Countrey men here are in good 
health, blessed be GJod : This hath been the hardest Winter that was 
almost since ever there were English here ; The sound betwixt Jersey 
and Staten Island was frozen in January tliat carts and horses went 
upon it; betwixt Martenmas and Christmas flying showers of snow 
with clear moderate frosts; in January deep snow and most bitter 
frosts which ever I found, but did no wayes affect peoples bodies ; the 
Air being ordinary clear and serene ; about the 20 of January, the 
snow went off insensibly, and about 3 weeks in February it was almost 
{ike Summer in Scotland ; the end ot' Feb)ncary -and he ginning of March 
for the most part rain and wind. Acquaint me with the value of sweet- 
6ent-[254] Gumm, which flowes from the wood. Gum-trees, of Sassafra.s, 
Sassaparilla, and such other things as the Countrey naturally pro- 
duceth. Be pleased to send me some Medecins for Agues, and ac- 
cidental! cutts, or sores, in case myself or Servants be overtaken with 
them. I hope with the blessing of God here to make a livelihood for 
myself. I intreat to hear wliat remarkable news, and revolutions arc 
either at home with you, or abroad, and so continues 

Your most affectionate brother 
and humble Servant, 

Charles Gordon. 



326 "^^^ MODEL OP THE GOVERNMENT 

A Letter from TTiomas Gordon^ Brother to the Laird of Straloch. 
For Mr. George Alexander, Advocate in Edinburgh. 

From the Cedar Brook of East New Jersey, 

in America, the 16 February 1685. 
Dear Mr. George. This is the fifth time I have written to you since 
i came to Ainerica, some of which I am confident have [255] come 
safe to your hands : so that I need not now resume them, for in them I 
gave you a full account of our danger by Sea, and travels by Land, and 
therefore I shall now proceed and begin where I left last. Upon the 
eighteenth day of November I and my Servants came here to the 
Woods, and 8 dayes thereafter my Wife and Children came also ; I put 
up a Wigwam in 24 hours, which served us till we put up a better house ; 
which I made 24 foot long, and 15 foot wide, containing a Hall and 
Kitchen both in one, and a Chamber and a Study, which we put up pretty 
well (with Pallissadoes on the sides, and Shingles on the roof) against 
Yuill, on which day we entered home to it ; and have been ever since, 
and still am clearing ground and making fencing : So that I hope to 
have as much ground, cleared, fenced, ploughed, and planted with 
Indian Corn in the beginning o? May, (which is the best time for plant- 
ing it) as will maintain my Family the next year, if it please God to 
prosper it. Robert Fidlerton and I are to joyn for a Plough this Spring, 
consisting of 4 Oxen and two Horses, but if the Ground were once 
broken up, two Oxen and two Horses, or 4 oxen alone will serve ; so 
that the next Spring I intend (God willing) [256] to have a Plough of 
my own alone. I intend to build a better House and larger, and to make 
a kitchen of this I am in ; which I will hardly get done this Summer, 
because I resolve to build upon my lot at New Perth. I am settled here 
in a very pleasant place, upon the side of a brave plain (almost free of 
woods) and near the water side, so that I might yoke a Plough where I 
please, were it not for want of Hay to maintain the Cattle, which I hope 
to get helped the next year, for I have several pieces of Meadow near 
me. The first Snow we had was about the midst of November, and 
went twice away again, and about the end of the Month it came on, 
and continued with very great Frost and knee deep Snow till towards 
the end of January ; and then the Snow dessolved pleasantly and calmly 
with the heat and influence of the Sun, and now I judge it as warm 
here as it will be with you in May, and much more pleasant, for we are 
not by far so much troubled with winds here, as ye are in Scotland ; 
the winter was generally very pleasant and calm, altho sometimes very 
vehement frost. I have spoken with several old Inhabitants here, who 
assure me they had not seen so hard a winter as this has been these 16 
years bygone ; and trucly [257] if I never see much worse I shall be 
very well pleased with this Countrie. We have great abundance of 



OP EAST NEW JERSEY. 



3-27 



Deer, Turkies, «&c. here about us; and as for the wild Beasts, and 
Natives, (whereof I was greatly aflVayed before I came liere,) I find no 
danger, trouble, [or] inconveniency tliereby at all : there are abundance 
of all sorts of Cattle in this Countrey to be had at very reasonable 
rates, I can buy a good Cow for 4 lib. sier., a good Ox for 5 lib. ntcr., 
and a good Horse for 5 or 6 lib. ster. : a Hog for 20s ster. : a Bushel! 
of Wheat for 4s. ster. : of Rye 3s. 6d. ster. There are 8 of us settled 
here within half a mile or a mile of another, and about ten niileH 
from the Town of New Perth, or Amboy-point, so that I can go and 
come in a day, either on foot or horseback, viz. : Robert and James 
Pullerton, James Johnstone of Spoiswood, John Forbes. John Barclay, 
Doctor John Gordon his Servants, Andrew Ale.vander, and myself. This 
is the most of what I can say of this Countrey at present, for I intend to 
write nothing but what I either see or know to be certainly true, and 
for my part I am very well pleased with this retired Countrey life ; and 
I love this Countrey very well as yet, altho I hear [258] of some of our 
Countreymen who are not ; neither can it be ex'pected, that any Countrey 
in the World will please the dilTcrent humours of all Persons. Blessed 
be God, myself and Wife, and Children, and Servants have been and 
are still in good health, Avhich God continue : be pleased to conununicate 
this to both yours and my Friends and Acquaintances, because I have 
not leasure to write at great length to every one ; and let those remember 
me to all others that give themselves the trouble to inquire for 

Your most humble and and 
oblidged Servant, 

Thomas Gordon. 



A Letter from David Mudie, of the date of theformcr,to Mr. Alexander 
Gairns, one of the Ministers at Edinburgh. 
Sir, I did write to you a line upon my arrival here, and my last 
the 12 oi December, directed to John Graham; I desired him to let you 
see his letter, and my wifes, which would inform you [259] as fully as 
[if] I had written to you. Since that time I have travelled throw the 
Countrey, and informed myself of the conditions thereof, which still 
does the better please me : the winter hath been exceeding hard, and 
sharp, which hath much hindered me of work ; yet I have cleared three 
acres of ground, to be an Orchard and a Garden, which lyes at the back 
of my house, which I am building of stone, six good rooms off a floor, 
Sellers all under the ground, two stories high, and garrets, at which I 
have had Masons since the first of February; and I hope will have it 
fully Finished this Summer, I have also built a horse-mill : The house is 



328 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

32 foot wide, 40 foot long, the great wheel 30 foot Diameter, which I will 
have fully finished against the latter end of this Month ; it is told me 
ehe may be worth 100 pound Sterling a year ; I am sure she will be 
better than 50 clear money: this from, Sir 

Your humble and obedient Servant, 

David Mudie. 



[260] A Letter from Thomas FuUerton, Brother to the Laird of 
Kinnaber, to John Johnstone, Drugist. in Edinburgh, dated the 9 of 
March, 1685, from East Jersey. 

Loving Commorad, — Your Brother and I did write to you about 
three Moneths agoe, wherein we told you, that we were 9 weeks at sea, 
after we parted from Kellebegs, in Ireland ; we were all very well at 
Sea only we had more Stomachs than meat ; to prevent which, if you 
or any other Commorad come this way, it will be prudence to fortifie 
themselves with good Cheese, Butter, Bisket, Cakes and Brandie ; I 
believe you are cloyed with descriptions of the Countrey : And there- 
fore this in brief, the reports you hear of it are generally true, some it 
may be are Hyperbolick in magnifying its Goodness, but as many are 
detractive from what it really deserves. There is abundance of good 
Land for improving ; abundance of Swine and Cattle for the raising ; 
Deers for killing ; houses for the building ; But some expect all [261] 
these without pains. Your brother and I and our Servants, have had 
good Venison broth once, a day all this winter ; to be short, if a man 
please to live a Countrey Life to labour Land, plant Orchards, and 
such like ; I believe he cannot come to a place that will better answer 
his expectations, and when he hath a minde to be merry he will get a 
Punch-house, and very good fellows. I hope in a little time I shall 
want nothing but the company of the prettie Girls, to all whom, who 
retain any remembrance of me. Let my service be remembered, and to 
all friends. I long exceedingly to hear from you, but more to see you : 
we had many difficulties at our entrance, and in our first indeavours, 
But when you come, I hope they shall be prevented by 

Your affectionate Commorad 

Thomas Fidlerton. 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 339 

[262] A Letter from James Jolinstono of Spotswooil, in Alexander 
Henderson toriter in Edinburgh, dated the 9 of March, \G85, from 
his Plantation at the blew Hills in East Jersey in America. 

Ki?id Coinniorad, These arc to present my best wish(;R to you, 
and ail acquaintances, if any injoymcnt could makeup the want of your 
Company, I should not complain here ; what else can contribute to profile 
or pleasure, being here to be had : neither is there any thing here to 
discourage us, Quakers are not numerous : Wolves are so far from 
troubling men, that if a man should lay a Glove upon a Carcass or their 
prey, they will yell, but not come nigh it. You cannot come nigh a 
rattle-Snake, but they will rattle witii their tailo, whereby a man is 
advertised either to kill them, or go by them ; they frequently charm 
the Squirrels, or other little Beasts off the tops of the Trees unto their 
mouth, and that without touching them with their teeth ; which if they 
did, they would [263] poison themselves. There is a Flee by the Salt 
Marshes most troublesome in Summer, but is not in the vp-lands. I 
am mightily well satisfied with my coming over, neither do I think 
I could live again in Scotland. In the Summer there is plenty of 
Fruits, Peaches, Walnuts, Chesnuts, Strawberries, and another berry 
like Currants ; Vines as good as any where. I and all who have come 
over, have kept our health very well ; our food hath for the most part 
been Venison we got from the Indians, which I like exceeding well. 
The Indian Corn, Indian Beans, and Pease, are pleasant Grains: we 
have very good fishing. Present my service to all Friends, and believe 
me to be ever Sir, 

Your obliged Servant, 

James Johnstone. 



Sir, I nothing question but by the perusal of the above written 
Letters, you are abundantly satisfied, that East Jersey as to all things 
necessary will accommodate our present design. But if some (Malevo- 
lent Persons) who because [264] they have not the courage nor resolu- 
tion to adventure upon such an undertaking themselves, do cavill at the 
design in others, may insinuate that the greatest part of these Letters 
being written by Gentlemen, it may be presumed, interest may oblige 
them to represent things otherwise than they are, to the advantage of 
the place. This is easily answered, that there are severall persons in this 
Town, who have perused all their Letters, and declare they find nothing 
contained therein, that they can contradict. But as for a further proof 



330 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

thereof, I have thought fit to conclude with a letter from a Mason, sent 
over as a Servant, by Captain Hamilton ; he being a plain Countrcy- 
man, it is not very probable he can have any design. I had the Letters 
from his said Master, as followeth. 

[265] A Letter from James Cockburn Mason, Servitor in East Jersey in 
America, to Captain Hamilton, at the Ship tavern in Edinburgh, 
dated the 12 of March 1685, to his Uncle James Brown, Shoe Maker 
in Kelso. — 

Uncle this few Lines do testifie that I am well and in good health, 
blessed be God for it, desiring to hear the like from you, for I am very 
well in this land of America. We lake neither wild nor tame to eat : 
the most part of our drink is Rumm, Cyder, and Beer ; such as have 
•these to sell, drives a very good Trade. I am working at my work 
daily, in good weather, and have very good encouragement among the 
old Planters. If my Sister Katharin inclines to come over, she may 
have good service here, and Francie also ; it is better to be bound 
some ^ew years, than come free, except they have a good stock ; it is 
dear living here the first year or two. The Indians are a harmless 
People and very kind to us ; they are not a hairie People as was said 
to us in Scotland. A Shoemaker would live very well here, if he bring 
any store of Leather with him ; the Shoes are five or six shillings a 
pair : there is nothing discourages us more than want of Ministers [266] 
here, but now they have agreed about their Stipends ; there is one to 
be placed in New Perth, Piscattaway, Woodhridge, and Elizabeth 
Town ; they have a mind to bring them from Scotland. Uncle I hope 
you will let me know of your welfare, and how the Town is repaired 
again, and so I rest your Nephew until death 

John Cockburn. 



Another from the same hand to George Fal Mason in Kelso, /rom New 
Perth in America the 20 of March 1685. 

Cusin, These are to show you that I am in good health, blessed 
be God for it, wishing to hear the like from you. We had a long Voy- 
age, but we came very well to our Harbour in this place of America, 
within a stone cast of my Masters Lott: it is upon the very Harbour. 
This Town is scituate betwixt two great Rivers, the one called Rari- 
ton, the other Hudsons. It is a very pleasant Countrey and good for all 
Tradsmen; you was angry with me for coming 'away, but I repent 
nothing of it myself, for I have abundance of Imployment. I am at the 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 33 j 

building of a great Stone house in New Perth, witii another Scotsman. 
They build most with [267] Timber, but arc beginning to build willi 
etone: there is a good stone in tliis Countrey as in Si-o//</?k/, if they 
were at the pains to find it out : there arc not many of our Trade in the 
Province. Any who hath a mind to come licre will get good wages ; 
these who have a mind to come here will do far better than in Scot- 
land. I have no more desire to my Native Countrey than I had never 
been in it ; they had better be bound some years with a good Master, 
than come over free, for it is dear living at first here. The Natives of 
this land are a harmless People, they do wrong to no man ; they 
are very kind to us ; tell my sister if she pleases to come over, she may 
have good service here : Remember me to all Friends, and Comorads 
in Kelso, and so I rest your Ciisin, while I live. 

John Cockbum. 



A ^r/e/" Advertisement Concerning East New Jersey, in America. 

That whereas it hath upon solid grounds been by very Judicious 
Men, judged as well the advantage of the Nation in generall, as of the 
particular Undertakers, to have an interest in some [268] of the Amer- 
ica Plantations : and that in order to the Promoting this Design, There 
went in July last 1684 a Vessel from Leith, with 160 Passengers, or 
thereby, another from Montrose with 130, to East Jersey, in which two 
Vessels were some Gentlemen and Merchants of very good Repute ; 
the account of their safe Arrivall in eight weeks after their parting 
from Aberdeen, and their several opinions of that Countrey, all agree- 
ing anent the Fertility, pleasantness, and Wholesomeness thereof, as 
being stored with all things necessary for the comfortable Accommoda- 
tion and Life of Man, being compared with former Relations of that 
Countrey, and both confirmed as Truth, by several Gentlemen Mer- 
chants at present in Edinburgh, who have been there : The considera- 
tion of this, [as well] as of the reasonable constitution of the Govern- 
ment, the Model whereof hath been fully perused and found satislactory, 
hath ingaged many to pitch upon this Province of East New Jersey, as 
the most proper seat for a Collony of this Nation: The same being a 
Climate agreeable to our Constitutions, [269] and a place fit for Trade, 
and of great Security', being as it were, the Centre of the English 
Plantations, and a place affording in plenty, all desirable Accommoda- 
tions. 

And seeing the Approbation of those in AutJiority is absolutelie 
requisite, for countenancing and encouraging such a Design, without 



332 THE MODEL OF THE GOVERNMENT 

which, it cannot be expected that any such Attempt can be made 
effectual ; Mr. George Scot of Pitlochie, resolving to settle his Family 
in that place, hath procured the following Passe. 

By the Right Honourable Earl 
of Perth Lord High 
Chancellour of 
Scotland &c. 
These are Permitting and allowing Mr. George Scot of Pitlochie, 
with his Lady, Children, and Family ; and such other Persons as he 
shall ingage, to pass trom this Kingdom, either by Sea or Land, to any 
of His Majesties Forreign Plantations, providing such persons to be 
transported by him, be not declared Traitors, Rebels, Fugitives, and 
that without any Let Impediment, or [270] Molestation, from any per- 
son whatsoever : they alwayes behaving themselves peaceably and 
according to Law. Given at Edinburgh the first ot^ January 1685. 

For all Magistrates, Officers, and Souldiers within the Kingdom of 
Scotland, whom these do or may concern. 

Perth, Cancell. 
By the perusall of the foresaid Passe it will appear that such who 
intend to be concerned with the said Mr. George Scot, in prosecuting 
this Design, are hereby included as well as himself, they being qualified 
according to the contents hereof. 

And for his further encouragement, the Lords of His Majesties 
Privy Council have been pleased by an Act, to condescend That such 
as are under Bond, to appear before them when called, shall have up 
their said respective Bonds, upon their going with him ; Whereby they 
are secured from the Aijprehension oi" any Process to be in their ab- 
sence, intented against them upon that head, 

Whereas there are several people in this Kingdom, who upon ac- 
count of their not going [271] that length in conformity required of 
them by the Law, do live very uneasie ; Who beside the other agreeable 
Accommodations of that place many there freely enjoy their own princi- 
ples, without hazard or the least trouble : seeing there are Ministers of 
their own persuasion going along with the said Mr. George Scot ; who by 
the fundamental Constitutions of that Countrey, are allowed the free Ex- 
ercise of their Ministry, such as Mr Archibald Riddel brother to Sir John 
Riddel of Riddel, Mr Thomas Patterson late Minister of Bortfiwick, 
and several other Ministers ; It is hereby signified to all who desire 
this Voyage, That the Henry and Francis of Neurastle, a Ship of 350 
Tun, and 20 great Guns. Richard Hutton Master, is fraighted for the 
Transportation of these Families, and will take in Passengers and 
Goods at Lieth, and Passengers at Montrose, and Aberdeen, and Kirktca 
in Orkney, and set sail thence for East- New- Jersey, against the 20 day 



OF EAST NEW JERSEY. 



:3;j;j 



of July, God willing. It being resolved by tliese concernetl in llir 
fraight of tiie Vessel, to Acconiniodatc sucli Passengers as may conven- 
iently [be] (lone, without erouding themselves, and tluir Families • the 
inconvcniencies of whieh they arc fully resolved to avoid, au what is 
[Si72| certainly very troublesome in such a Voyage. Sucli Ihercforc 
who desire to go Passengers in this Vessel, may apj)ly in time be- 
tween [this] and the 12. of May, to Mr George Scot of Pillochip, at hia 
Lodging in liaillie Kohisons land, and at John Johnstone, Drugist at the 
eign of the Unicorn in Edinburgh, to Mr John Gordon of Colinston 
Doctor of Physick, at his Lodging in Montrose: to James Armour 
younger. Merchant in Glasgow: To Henry Urmrn, or James Nisbel 
Merchant in Irvine: To Baillie Boyd in Kilmarnock ; To Bailly 
McKeuen: or Ralph Holland Merchant in Air: To Bailly Burl in Stir- 
ling : To Bailly James Gordon in Kirkcudbright : IVilliam Corbet 
Apothecary in Dumfries : Henry Elphingston Collector of His Majes- 
ties Customes in Aberdeen : whereby they may have their j.assage se- 
cured upon Reasonable Conditions in the said Vessel ; And accounts of 
the Propositions to be nuvde to them, in Order to the promoting ert'ec- 
tually of that design; seeing after the number condescended upon, as 
to be carried without Croud in the said Ship, there will be no more ad- 
mitted there: and so such as incline to go the Voyage, may lose their 
passage in the said Vessel, delaying to secure their place in time. 



Finis. 



INDEX. 



*** THEortliogiapliy of thesame names varies mntorially in the diflTercnt works anddocumcota 
referred to in the foregoing pages ; in some cases the variation being bo great as to loud to tba 
supposition tliut different individuals are alluded to. As examples, Lawrence Andfrsvn is »ome- 
times called •' Andros" or " Andruss ;" — in the ' Grants and Concessions' the namo of the mem- 
ber of Assembly from Newark is given as Samuel Swarnc, but in the Town Records he is called 
"Swain," which is probably correct ;—Botcn<; and "Bound" are frequently confounded; and 
other instances might be given. The author has endeavoured to observe uniformity in every 
instance, and adopted what appeared to be the proper orthography. 



A. 

Ahasimus, 18, 47, 62. 

Aquackanonk, 49, 145, 160, 221. 

Anderson, Lawrence, 55, 60, 77,96. 

Assembly, The. — Their powers under the Con- 
cessions, 34. — First called, 51. — Convene 
at Elizabetlitown, 52 — A change in the 
powers of, 58. — Jleet Gov. Andros, 70. — 
Their reply lo bis speech, 75.— Meet with 
regularity. 77 — Dispute with Carteret and 
his (Council, and are dissolved, 8li. — Called 
by Rudyard. 97.— Called by Lawrio for 
the first time at Perth Ambov, 115. — Meet 
Campbell, 119— and Hamilton 120,133.— 
Regularly assemble during Hamilton's ad- 
ministration, 135.--Called by Basse, 140. — 
Convened by Hamilton, J5iJ. — Correspond- 
ence with the Council, lt9, 19-'. 

.Assembly of Disaffected meet at Elizabeth- 
town, 55. 

Assembly, under the authority of the Dutch 
Government. 61. 

Antill, Edward, 152. 

Andros, Edmund, appointed Governor of New- 
York, 63.— Empowers William Dyre to 
collect customs in New Jersey, 65 — His 
course towards East Jersey, and Governor 
Carteret, 69, 75, 190.— Meets the New Jer- 
sey Assembly, 74. — He goes to England, 76. 
Cause therefor, 77.— Mysterious conduct 
towards Now Jersey, 77.— Is knighted by 
James II. and sent over as Governor of all 
New England, 112.— Has N. Y. and N. J. 
placed under his authority, 113, 121. — Is 
seized by the people of New England, 121. 
Amboy — See Perth Amboy. 
Ashton, James, 40. 

Arthur Kuil Sound, origin of the name, 15, nofe. 
Argyle, Earl of, invasion of Scotland by, 117. 



B. 
Baker, John, 38. 
Bailey,John,37, a«,39, 41. 
Barclay, David, 88, 193. 

Barclay, John, 104, 133, 145, 150. 

Barclay, Robert, one of the twenty-four propri 
etarie3,83. — Appointed Governor, e9. — His 
education and writings, 90. — Commission- 
ed for life with privilege to remain m Eng- 
land, 91— His influence exerted to induco 
emigration. lOH. — Singularity of hiii ap- 
pointing Campbell as his deputy, 118. — 
His death, 131. 

Barker, Thomas, 88, 152, 203. 

Basse, Jeremiah, appointed Governor, 13*. — 
Arrives and issues a proclamation, 138,219. 
— Dissatisfaction in the province, 139. — 
Calls an Assembly alter some hesitation, 
140. — Controversy with N. Y. Governors, 
141, 143, 144.— His vessel seized, 144.— Ha 
appeals to Parliament, 145. note. — Objecif 
to the jurisdiction of N. Y. Court of Ad- 
miralty, 146. — Is opposed so i-trenuouilr 
that he saiis for England, 147. — Notice ol, 
156.— Extracts from his will, 157. 

Bayard, Balthazar, 52. 

Brackett, John, 52. 

Braine, James, SS, 203. 

Bellamont, Lord, Governor of Now York— hij 
proceedings against East Jersey. 143. — In- 
structions to him from the crown, relating 
to E & VV. Jersey, 144—145. note, 149,222. 

Benjdick, Thomas, 3S. 

Bergen County, 97, l.-ig. 160, 161, 221. 

Bergen, 15, 16. 47, 55, 58, 01, 02, 66, 77, 93, W, 
100, 117, 160, 186,221. 

Berkeley, Sir John, notice of 30, note.— Re 
ceivcs a grant for N. Jersey in conjunction 
with Sir George Carteret, 31 —Parts with 



336 



INDEX. 



his right, 65 —His assigns divide ihe Pro- 
vince witli Sir G. Carteret, G7. 
Berlieley and Carteret, receive New Jersey 
Ironi tlie Duke of Vorl<,3l.— Their powers, 
32, — They issue ' Concessions,' 33 — Ap- 
point a Governor, :>6. -Their instructions 
respecting tlie natives, 5U, nute — Tlieir re- 
ception ot Gov. Carteret in Enghind, 57. — 
Tlieir autliori y contiimed liy Duke of 
York and the King, 67.— Their course to- 
wards their opponents, 58.— The Province 
divided between them, C7.— 'J'heir ofticial 

Berry! John,' 4r^, 55. 57,5:", 60,77, 93,96,100, 

117, 11.5. 
Billop, Chri.nopher, 217. 
Bishop, John, 4-J. 52, 55, 77, 134. , , , , 

" Brief account of East Jersey," published by 

the twelve proprietaries, 103, 2li7. 
BoUen, James, 52, 77. 
Bond, Robert 52. 
Bookey, Abraham, 49. 
Bowne, John, (or Bound,) 40, 52, 77. 
Bowne, /vndrew, 133, 145.— Left by Basse as 

Deputy Governor, 147.— Attempt to make 

him Governor, 150. — His conference with 
-. Hamilton, 22.). 

* Bloomfield, Thomas, Jr., 77. 
Brooksban'-, Joseph, 162. 
Browne, John, 42 
Burlington, 68, 143, 158, 162. 
Burnet, Uobert, 152. 
Bruen, Obadiah, 42. 
Bvllin-'e, Edward, becomes interested in West 

Jersey, 67, 154— One of the twenty- our 

proprietaries, 88,202. 

0. 

Cabot, Sebastian, 16,22. 

Campbell, Lord Neill, sends over servants, 104. 
—Is appointed Deputy Governor, and ar- 
rives, 117, ;iu«c— Meets an Assembly, U'J. 

Heturns to Scotland, leaving Hamilton 

as his substitute, 1 18.— Notice of, 127. 

Campbell, John, ,04, 127, 123. 

Campbell Archibald, ]27, 128. 

Carteret Sir George, notice of, 30, no«e.— Re- 
ceives a grant for New Jersey in conjunc- 
tion with Sir J. Berkeley, 31.— Receives a 
new grant for Ihe northern portion of the 
Province, 64. — Relinquishes this grant and 
receives another for E. Jersey, 67.— His 
death, 70, 82 —Leaves E. Jersey to Trus- 
tees, 82.— His Trustees sell the Province 
to twelve proprietaries, 83. 

Carterut, Philip, appointed Governor, and ar- 
rives at Elizabethtown, 36.— Is acknow- 
ledged, 39.— Sends messengers to invite 
setJers, 41. — Purchases claims of Denton 
and Bailey, 41.— Calls an Assembly, 51, 
1«8. — Cluioses his Council, 52, 77. — First 
opposition to his government, 53, 54. — 
Changes his Council, 55.— Goes to Eng- 
land, leaving John Berry as Deputy Gov- 
ernor, 57. — His property confiscated by 
the Dutch, 62, note. — Recommissioned and 
returns to the Province, 66 — His commer- 
cial projects, 69.— His correspondence with 
Andros, 71. — His government proclaimed 
null, 72. — Receives Andros at Elizabeth- 
town, 73.— Is seized, taken to N. Y., tried, 
and obliged to relinquish the exercise of 
his anihority, 74.— Receives a confirma- 
tion of his authority, 75.— Resumes the 
government, 76. — Dissolves the Assembly, 



80, 197.— Notice of, 84 —His lands on Rari- 
tan,92 — His official seal, i&9. 

Carteret, James, chosen Governor by the dis- 
affected, .55 —His acts, 56, note. — Hs au- 
thority annulled, 58. — His previous life, 
5'J. vote. 

Carteret, Lady Elizabeth, Widow and Execu- 
trix of Sir George. 36, 75, .S5. 

Carteret, George, grandson and heir of Sir 
George, 81, 82. 

Charles 11. grants the lands between Connec- 
ticut River and Delaware Bay, to Duke of 
York, 22— Confirms the authority (jf Berk- 
eley and Carteret, 57. — Confirms anew the 
authority i( Carteret in E. Jersey, 64. — He 
dies, and is succeeded by Duke of York, an 
Janus II, 110. 

Clark, Walter, 40. 

Clark, Benjamin, 211. 

Crane, Jasper, 53, note. 

Cranberry, 138. 

Clergymen, desire for, 132, 168. 

Codrington. Thomas, 92, lilO, 117, 139. 

Colve, Anthony, Governor under the Dutch, 
6J. 

Communipau, 17, 20, 94, 161. 

Commercial projects, 172. 

Concessions, The, issued by Berkeley and Car- 
teret, 33,36, note — Their provisions, 33. 
— Respecting slavery. 35, itotc. — Altered 
in 167H, 58. — Confirmed by the twenty- 
four proprietaries, 97. 

Cooper, Thomas, 88, 152, 201. 

Cornbury., Lord, 165. 

Corsen, Cornelius 92. 

Council, The. — Powers of, under the Conces 
bions, 34.--Governor Carteret's, 52. 77. — 
They advise his going to Englnnd, 56. — A 
change in the powers of 58. — Kudyard's, 
96. — Lawrie's, 100, 7io«6 — Caii.pbeirs, 117, 
note. — Hamilton's, 133, note. — Correspond- 
ence with the Assembly, 189, 19J. 

Cuurts of Bergen and Woodbridge to exercise 
general jurisdiction, 5j. — Different kinds 
established, 167. 

Coxe, Daniel, 154. 

Currency of E. Jersey, 170. 

Customs" in New Jersey, 65, 69, 70, 80, 109 — 
111, 141 14', 100. 

D. 

Davis, Nicholas. 40. 

Davis. Samuel, 77. 

Davi--i William, 1^7. 

Delaware Bay, Settlements on, by the Dutch, 
11. — And Swedes, 11. — Taken possession 
of by the English for Duke of York, 2d.— 
Delegates to Assembly of 1668, 53. 

Dellavalh^ John,92. 

Dennis, Robert, 42. 52. 

Dennis, Samuel, 100, 134. 

Denton, Daniel, 37, 38, 41. 

Denton, Nathaniel, 38. 

Diderick, Hans, 49, 77. 

Dockwra, VV illiam, 1U4, 133, 150, 152. 

Dominique, Paul, 152. 

Dongan, Gov. of New York. — Is visited by 
Lawrie, 107. — Is anxious for annexation of 
N. Jersey to N. Y., 107, 217.— His course 
in relation to the commerce of E. Jersey, 
109 —Is superseded by Andros, 113.— His 
correspondence with the Scotch I'roprie- 
taries, 214. 

Dudley, Joseph, appointed Governor, 131. 

Dundas, James, 134. 



INDEX. 



3:r 



niinn. Hugh, 43. 

L)uti:li. The. — Erect trading huuscs at Miinhat- 
tuii Ishind and Albany, G. — Tlicy nc^no\v- 
ledije. temporarily, the authority of Gov'r 
of Virginia, G. — .Morcliuuls' Company 
chartered, 7. — Cumphiints against thcni 
by Minisl(!r<)f Cliailes 1st, ut the Hague, 
7, note. — Offer to eell their claim and im- 
provements, 9 — West India Company 
charieri;d,lO. — Settle on Delaware Bay, 1 1. 
— With the Swedes dispossess the Engiisli, 
and subsequently ovei throw the Swedes, 
Vi — Settle on west side N. York Bay, IG, 
]9, 20.— Grants to Tatroons, 17.— They ob- 
ject to settlements by others, 2}, 177 — 
Controversy with people of New England, 
22 — Di.spossessed by the English under 
Nicholls, 2:*. — They regain possfssion of 
tlie country,. W — Confirm the privileges of 
towns ill N. Jersey, 60. — Adopt a code of 
laws therefor, til. — Anthony Colve ap- 
pointed Governor, 62 — Country finally re- 
stored by them to the English, 02. 

Duke of York receives his grant fiom Charles 
II., 213. — Ciinveys New Jersey to Lords 
Berkeley and Carteret, 30. — (lis powrrsas 
received and conveyed, :!-2. — IJisallows 
Elizabethtowii and Monmouth jiurcbases, 
4il, — His toleration, 51, note. — Confirms 
the authority of Beikeley and Carteret, 
57. — Obtains a new I'atent from the King, 
63. — Is presumed to have hesitated about 
renewing his gram for N. J., 03. — Renews 
the titles of Sir G Carteret to the northern 
portion of the province, 64.— Is not dis- 
turbed by dissensions iji'twecn Carteret 
and Andros, 70. — The duties limited by him 
to three years longer, 70. — Disavows the 
acts of Andros toward' Carteret, 75. — Con- 
firms E. and W. Jersey to their respective 
proprietors free of customs, &c., 81, 191. — 
Confirms the sale of the Pruvince to the 
twenty-four proprietaries, 88. — Ascends 
the throne as James II., 110. — (See James 
II.) 

nrumm«nd, John, 88. 199. 

Dyre v\ illiam, 65, 109, I'JO. 

E. 

East Jersey set off to Sir George Carteret, 67. 

— Line between it and and West Jersey 
run, 07, nute — Cartere.'s projects for its 
commerce frustratid by Andros, 09, 190. — 
Andros's course towards it, 70 — 77. — Con- 
firmed by Duke of York to George Car- 
teret, grandson and heir of Sir George, 81. 

— Left by Sir G. Carteret to Trustees for 
the benefit of his creditors, 82.— Is sold by 
them to a number of proprietaries, 83. - 
Kobert Barclay appointed Governor. 89. — 
Description of it in 1080, 91 — Thomas 
Rudyard arrives as Deputy of Barclay, 95. 
Is superseded, 99. — Gawen Lawrie arrives 
as his successor, 1 00. — " Brief account" of 
it published, 103, 207.— Scot's " Model of 
the Government," 104 — Its commerce ob- 
structed by New York, 109 — Lawrie su- 
perseded, 116. — Lord Neill Campbell ap- 
pointed DeputyGovernor, 1 17 — He returns 
10 Scotland, 118. — Succeeded by Andrew 
Hamilton, 1 19. — Is placed under Andros, 
113, 121. — Andros's authority being sub- 
verted, Hamilton goes to England for 
instructions, 123 —Map of, 88, 123 —Gov- 
ernmont in, during Hamilton's absence, 130. 



-Estimate of its population In If.90. 131. 
— I ho proprit'tarieii renunic their power* 
and appoint Hamilton Governor, KO.— 
lncruaiic<l attention given to the pcriiinncnt 
wellato of. 130— H„n,i|i„n diin.inred, and 
Jeremiah Basse appointed (Jovoriior, I3(<.- 
Dissonsinns in ronsciiuence, 139 — Couiae 
of New York Governors toward", 142.— 
BaB.sc being opposed, retiirini to England, 
J '7. — The government again conlid>'d to 
Andrew Huniilton, 148.— But U finally 
surrendered to the crown, 152.— Currency 
of, 170. — Exertions of New York (Jovern- 
ors to have it annexed to that province, 
217. ' 

Edsall, Samuel, 52, GO, 94. 

Essex County, 97, I5:t, 160, 161. 

Elizabethtown, 15, 36. 40. 42, 52, 53. .54. .'>8, 00, 
61. 02, 08, 09, 70, 72, 74. 77, 80, 93. 97, 100. 
117, 131, 145, 100, 107, 108, I»l,2>l. 

Elizabethtown Bill in Chancery, tS. 

Einott, Jamcg, 1:7. 

F. 

Fonwick, John, becomes interested in New 
Jersey, as trustee for By Hinge, 05. — Ar- 
rives at West Jersey, 07. 

Ferrv, from Cominunipau, to New Amsterdam 
20, 101. 

Fletcher, Governor, of New York. — Corrci- 
pondence with Governor Hamilton, 135. — 
Apprehensions of, respcctin" East Jersey, 
141. — Urges annexation to New York, 142. 
— Is succeeded by Lord Bellaniunt, 143, 
140, note. 

Fletcher, Kev. John. 108. 

Freehold 145, 100,221. 

Fisheries, 173. 

Forbes, John, 104. 

Forster, Miles, 152. 

Foster, John, 38, note. 

Fullertun, Robert, 104. 

Fundamental Constitutions, Ci do of, brought 
out by Lawrie, 100. — Synopsis of. 204. 

G. 

Grahame's Colonial History, new editi"ii of. 
143, note —Extract from, 203. 

Graham, James, 92. 

Grants and Concessions, 87. 

George Hcndrick, 49. 

Gerritsen, Gerritt, 49. 

Gibbons. Richard, 40. 

Gibson, William, 88,202. 

Gomez, Stephen, 1. 

Gordon, Thomas, 133, 152. 

Gordon, Robert, S8, 199. 

Gordon, Charles, 104. 

Goulding, William, 40. 

Groome, Samuel, one of the twenty-four pro- 
prietaries, 88. — Appointed Surveyor aud 
Receiver General, 95. — His letter. 90. — It 
suspended by Rudyard and reinslaied by 
the proprietaries, 99. — Lays out Perth 
Amboy, 108,200. 

Grovcr, Jitmes, 40, 52, note, 

H. 

Hackinsack. 49, 160,221. 

Haige, William, 104, 127. 

Hall, Richard, 92. 

Hamilton, Andrew, one of Campbell's counsel, 
117, note. — Is left by him as his substitute, 
118.— His character. 120. — .Meets an .Vs- 



22 



338 



INDEX. 



sembly, 120. — Acknowledges the authority 
of Andros, 121.— Goes to England, 123, 
129.— Appointed Governor, and returns, 
133. — Appoints his Council, 133. — Has 
West Jersey also placed under his athori- 
ty, 154.— Meets an Assembly, 133— His 
exertions in behalf of New York, 135. — 
His administration generally acceptable, 
136. — Being a Scot, the Proprietaiies con- 
sider themselves bound to dismiss him from 
the Government, 138.— He sails for Eng- 
land. 138. — Is restored, 148. — Returns to 
the Province, 149. — Is opposed, 150. — Let- 
ter of his, 223.— Notice of, 155.— His 
death, 156, 

Hancock, Francis, 152. 

Hans, John, 53. 

Hart, Thomas, 88, 201. 

Hartshorne, Richard. 40, 49, 100, 134. 

Hartshorne, Hugh, 88,201. 

Hartman. Elias, 49. 

Hasel, Richard, 152. 

Haywood, John, 88, 201. 

Havvdon, Michael, 152. 

Herman, Augustine, purchases a tract between 
Passaic and Hackensack, 19, 38, and one 
on the Raritan, 20.— Removes to the Dela- 
ware, 20. — His sons, 20, note. 

Herriman, Rev. John. 168. 

Hobokon, 21,28,.47, 94. 

Holmes, Obadiah,40. 

Holmes, Jonathan, 40, 53, note, 

Hopkins, Samuel, 62, note. 

Hudson, Henry, arrives at Sandy Hook, 2. — 
His vessel, 3, note.— His explorations, 4.— 
His h'imeward voyage, 5. — His fate, 6, note. 
Hume, John, (or Hulme,) 40. 



Inians, John, 49, 134. 
Indians, (see JVatives.) 
Iron- Works of Lewis Morris, 93. 



Jacobs, Simon, 49. 
Jacobs, Walling, 49. 

James II , orders a wiit of quo icarranto against 
the Proprietaries, UO.— Sends over Sir 
Edmund Andros as Governor of all New 
England, 112. — Accepts the Government 
from the Proprietaries, and appoints An- 
dros Governor of New York and New Jer- 
sey, 113.— His toleration, 119.— (See Duke 
of York.) 

Jaques, Henry, 42. 

Johnstone, John. 117, 152,237. 

Johnstone, James, 104. 

Johnston, Thomas, 77. 

Jones. Sir Wm., his opinion lespecting Cus- 
toms in New Jersey, 81, 142, 191. 

Jones, Richard, 92. 

K. 

Keith, George, 67, 104, 169. 

Kent, Stephen, 42. 

Ketchell, Samuel, 42. 

Kidd, William, 146, note. 

Kingsland, Nathaniel, 48, 188. 

Kingsland , Isaac, 61, 93. 100, 117, 133, 188. 



Lane, Sir Thomas, 152. 

Laprairie, Robert, (or La Prie,) 62, note. (See 
Vanquellen.) 



Lawrie, Gawen, becomes interested in W. Jer- 
sey, 67. — Is one of the twenty-four proprie- 
taries ofE. J., 88. — Is appuinted Deputv 
Governor, 99.— He arrives in the province, 
100. — His council, 100, note. — Brings with 
him a code of Fundamental Constitutions, 
100.— Hesitates to put them in force, 101 .— 
Is pleased with the province, 102. — Imports 
servants, 104.- His instructions from the 
proprietaries, 105 —Visits N. Y. Governor, 
107 —Receives William Dyre as Collector 
of the Customs at Perth Amboy, 109—13 
superseded by the Proprietaries, 116.— Is 
one of his successor's Council, 117, note. 
—Notice of, 126. 

Lawrence, John, runs division line between E. 
and W. Jersey, 67, note. 

Laws, (1668), 52, 164.— Code of Dutch Assem- 
bly, 61,— (1675-81,) 78, 79. 104,— (16S2-3). 
97, 165,-( 1686), 115,-( 1687), li9,-(1692j, 
134. -" ' V y, 

Legislation, remarks respecting, 162. 

Ijine between E. and W.Jersey, 67, note. 

Lookermans, Govert, 48, 177. 

Lovelace, Governor, of New-York, receives 
notice from Duke of York, to respect the 
rights of Berkeley and Carteret, 57. — Im- 
poses duties in New-Jersey, 69, note. 

Lubbers, Cornelius, 49. 

Lucas, Nicholas, 67, 

Lyell, David, 152. 

Lyon, Henry, 77, 100. 

M. 

Machielson, Johannes, 49. 

Machielson, Cornelius, 49. 

Manhattan, Island, Council of Natives at, 9. — 
True derivation of name, 3, 7;o<e, — Trading 
house established there, 6. — Visited by 
Argall, 6. 

IMap of New-Jersey, from Vanderdonck's, 28. 

Map of East Jersey, 88, 123. 

Marsh, Hugh, 42. 

Martin, John, 42. 

Mew, Richard, 88. 

Mey, Cornelius Jacobus, 11. 

Michelson, Elias, 77. 

Middlesex County, 98, 100, 1,14, 159, 160. 161. 

Middletown, 16, 52, note, 53, 54, 55. 58, 60, 61 , 
77, 78, 92, 94, 95, 100, 131, 139, 145, 160, 
161,221, see Monmouth County. 

Mienville, Gabriel, 9i, l87. 

Mitchell, Robert, 152. 

Mollins, Jacob, .53. 

Mollison, Gilbert, 152. 

Monmouth County, 4, 40, 98, 100, 134, 159, 
160. 161. 

Moore, Samuel, 53. 

Morris, Lewis, 92, 96, 100, note, 134, 139, 
note. 

Mudie, David, 117, 134, 

N, 

Natives, their intercourse with Verrazzano, I. 
— Council of on Manhattan Island, 2. — 
Their intercourse with Hudson, 3, 4. — 
Their numhers, &c., 94,25. — First hostili- 
ties with them, 25, — Massacres at Pavonia, 
&;c., 26, 27. — They sell Elizabethtown 
tract to Bailey and others, 37. — Servicea- 
ble to the settlers, 50. — Titles derived 
from them decided upon, 137. 

New Albion, granted to Sir E. Ploydon, P, — 
Plantagenot's Description of, 9, note. — De- 
scription of the Country, 12, 14, 



INDEX. 



339 



Newark, 15, 42, 44-46, 53, 53, 58, 50, CI, G2, 
77, 131, 145, IGO, 163, 16S, 176, 221. 

Newnsons Voyage to, 177. 

New Barbadoes, 48, 100, 117, 133, 160, 221. 

New Brunswick, 49, 94, 162. 

New Jersey, First Visitors to the shores of, I. 
— Map of, from Vanderdonck's, 28. — Con- 
veyed by Duke of York to Borkolcy and 
Carteret, 31.— Why so named, 32 —Gov- 
ernment under Berkeley and Carteret, 33. 
— Slavery in, under the Concessions, 35, 
note. — Philip Carteret appointed Governor, 
36. — Advantnges of, 50. — Liberty of Con- 
science in, 51, note. — Possession of, re- 
gained by the Dutch, 59. — Restored again 
to the English, 62 — Customs in, 65, 80, 
190. — Grants and Concessions, 87. — Placed 
under tlie Governor of New York, 155. 

New Netherlands, descriptions of, 13, 175. — 
Surrendered to the English for Duke of 
York, 23. 

New York, receives its name from Nicholls, 
23. — Governor Carteret taken there by 
Andres, 73 — Lawrie goes there, 107. — Is 
placed with New Jersey under the govern- 
ment of Andres, 1 13, 121. — Tax for benefit 
of, 120, 134 — Recruits raised for its de- 
fence, 135. — Tax to resist the aggressions 
of, 145. — Its Admiralty Court resisted by 
Basso, 146. 

Nicholls, Col. Richard, commands the expedi- 
tion to dispossess the Dutch, 23. — Issues 
conditions for new plantations, 37. — Con- 
firms Eliznbelhlown purchase, 38, and 
one for Monmouth, 39. — Ilis Letter to 
Duke of York, 173. — His grant for Elizabeth 
Town set up against the claims of the Pro- 
prietors, 51. — Is succeeded by Governor 
Lovelace, 57. — Opinion respecting hia 
Elizabeth Town gr.int, 66, note. — Decision 
of the question, 137. 

O. 

Ogden, John, 38, 41, 46, 52, 5G, 62. 
Ormston, Joseph, 152. 
Ormston, Charles, 152. 

P. 

Palmer, John, 92, 96. 

Pardon, William, 52, 56, note. 

Paulus Hook, 18, 94. 

Pauw, Michael, purchases Staten Island and 
other lands, 17.— They revert to the West 
India Company, 21. 

Pavonia, x. 17. 

Pembrepock, 94, 186. 

Penal Laws, 164. 

Penn, William, becomes interested m West 
Jersey as trustee for Byllinge's creditors, 
67. — A document against cusiom« prepared 
under his supervision, SI. — With eleven 
associates purchases East Jersey, 83,88. — 
His opinion of the land. 96— Retained his 
interest in East Jersey till his death, 200. 

Personal rights, laws respecting, 166. 

Perthuck, Rev. Edward, 169. 

Perth, James, Earl of, 88, 196. 

Perth Amboy. 19, 7io«e, 69, 108, 115, 116, 117, 
lOO 124, 125, rJ6, 127, 132, 134, 141, 143, 
144, 145, 160, 161, 162, 167, 169, 172, 197, 
211,220,221. 

Pierce, Daniel, 41. 52, 183. 

R'ierce, Joshua, 42. 

Pierson, Rev. Abraham, 46. 



Piko.John, 42, 55, 77, 183. 

Pinhorne, William, 92, 93, 139. 

PiBcatawny, 42, 60. 62, 77, 92, 94, 145, 160, 
161, 183,221. 

Price, Benjamin, 77, 96, 100. 

Piices and Profits, 170, 171. 

Post, Adrian, 49. 

Ploydon, Sir Edward, receives grant for Now 
Albion, 8. — Visits the country, 9. — His 
projects and success, 9, notes. 

Proprietaries, the, purchase East Jcmey, 83. — 
Uoceivo ft confirmatory grant from Duke 
of York, 8j?, 195.— Appoint Robert Barclay 
Governor. fO, and Thomas Kudyard Depu- 
ty, 91.— They write to the Planters and in- 
habitants, 97. — They send over a coda of 
• Fundamental Constitu ion<,' 100. — Pub- 
lish a brief account of the province, 103 — 
Their instructions to Lawrie, 10,5. — Those 
residing in the provinceconsiituted a Board 
for the management of affairs, 108.— Dig- 
appointed in the improvement of the prov- 
ince, 1 14 — They supersede Lawrie. 116. — 
Appoint Lord .Neil Campbell as his suc- 
cessor, 117 Diversity of character and 

profession among them, 1 17. — .Appoint An- 
drew Hamilton as successor to I "iimpbell, 
118. — .Are served with a writ of Quo IVar- 
rnnto in relation to the Customs, 110. — 
They remonstrate, HI. — They relinquish 
their powers on conditions, 112. — Seal of, 
128. — Their correspondence lost K9. — 
Resume their powers and appoint Hamil- 
ton Governor, 133. — Hamilton dismissed 
by them through a presumed necessity, 
and Jeremiah Ba^se appointed in his stead. 
138. — Their instructions to him, 140. — 
Their error in appointing Basso. 141.— 
They reappoint Hamilton, 148 —Their di- 
visions and difficulties, 15!.— Their nego- 
tiations with the crown respecting the 
surrender of the government, 1.'.2, 1.5.3. — 
Instructions respecting roads, 161, 162.— 
Their correspondence with Governor Don- 
gan, 214. 

Puritan Settlers from New England, 44 —Their 
influence on the laws. 163.— Their observ- 
ance of law and order, 164. note. 
Plumstead, Clement, 18, 152, note — 202. 

a 

Quakers, the first twelve proprietors mostly, 
89. — Their connection with the Court, 2113. 
Cluit-Rcnts become payable, 54. 
Quinlipartite Deed, executed, 68. 

R. 

Railway. 134. 

Raritan River. 15,20,25,92, 177. 

Reape, William, 40 

Richier, Edward, I.'i2. 

Bigg. Ambrose, 88, 201. 

Roads, improvement of, 161. 

Robinson. John 92. 

Rowlafson, Cornelius, 49. 

Royse, John, 92, 134,224,22.5. 

Rudyard. Thomas, one of the Twenty-four 
Proprietaries, 88. — Selected for Deputy of 
Governor Barclay, 91. — Arrives in the 
Province, 95 — Appoints his Council, 96. — 
la furnished with a letter to the inhabit- 
ants from the Proprietaries. 97. — Calls an 
Assembly. 97. — His administration bene- 
ficial, 99' — Differs with and suspends Sur- 






340 



INDEX. 



2fX ' 



veyor General, 99. — Is superseded and §068 
to Jamaica, 99 —Notice of, 123. 



Townships established, 159. 
Turner, Robert, 88, 202. 



Salter, Richard, 150. 

Saniltbrd, William, 47, 60. 77, 93, 96, 100, 1-7. 

Sandy Hook. 40, 4i>, 71, 2 8. 

Shatluck, William, 77. 

Slavery, under the Concessions, 25 note. 

Staten Island, 15, 2iJ, 2b, 215, 217. 

Swarne, Samuel, (or Swain), .52, 53. 

Seals, of Berkeley and Carteret, f3, nf the 
twenty-lour Proprietaries, 128— of Govern- 
or Carteret, 1-9. 

Shrewsbury, 16, .52,53, 54, 55,60,77, 78,91, 
94, 145, IGi), 221.— See Monmouth Cou-iitij. 

Speare, John Hendrick, 49. 

Steenmelts, Gas[jer, 52. 

Swedes, The, Settlements of, on Delaware 
Bay, 11. — They join the Dutch in dispos- 
sessing the English, 12. — Are themselves 
dispossessed by the Dutch, 12. 

Smith, John, 42. 

Spicer, Samuel, 40. 

Sonmans, Arent, 88, 199. 

Sonmans, Feter, 15.i 

Somerset county, i20, note, 132, 138, 160, 221. 

Scot, George, writes " The Model, &c., of 
East Jersey," 104,235. — Embarks for the 
Province, and dies on the way, 105, 23S. 

Scot, Captain John, 1-0, 236. 

Schools, and Schoolmasters, 132, 136. 

Stout, Richard. 4 K 

Sylvester, Nathaniel, 40. 

T. 

Tart, Edward, 53. 

Tatham, John, appointed Governor, 131. 

Taylor, Matthew, 92. 

Travelling tUcilities for, 9a, 132 136, 160. 

Treat, Robert, 4t), note, 52, note. 

Tilton, John, 4'1. 

Tomason, Urian, 49, 

Tompkins, Michael. 42. 

Towiiley, Richard, 117. 



Vanderdonck, his statement respecting tlie na- 
tives, 2, note — His map of the country, 28. 

Vanquellen, Robert, 52, 62, 77, 92. 

Van Vorst, Ide Cornelison, 47. 

Verleti, Nicholas. 21, 2ri, note^AH, 52. 

Verrazzano, John, his intercourse with the na- 
tives, 1. 

Voyage of Lookerman around Staten Island, 
177. 



W. 

Wampum, value of, 170. 

v^ atson, Luke, 37, 38,41. 

Watts, Michael, 152. 

Ward, John, 77. 

Ward, Nathaniel, 145. 

Warne, 'I'homas, 88, 104, 139, 152, 202. 

Warne, Stephen, 104. 

Wharton, Robert, 125, 15G. 

Weehawken, 19. 

West, Robert, 88, 200. 

West, John, 124. 

West Jersey, seitlement of, 67, 68. — Line be- 
tween it and East Jersey run, 67, note. — 
Confirmed to the assignees of Berkeley, by 
Duke of York. 81, 191.— Its Government 
surrendered with that of East Jersey, to 
James II., 113. — Less disturbed than East 
Jersey, 153 — Notiansactions with it of in- 
terest, 154. — Its government finally surren- 
dered to the Crown, with that of East Jer- 
sey. 154. — Plans of New York Governors 
to have it annexed to that province, 217, 
216. 

Willocks. George, 125, 152. 

Winder, Samuel, 92, 1 17, 124. 

Winterton, Thomas, 53. 

White, John, 92. 

Whitehead, Samuel, 145. 

Woodbridge, 42, 52, 53, 55, 58, 60, 61, 62, 77, 
92, 100, 145, 160, 183, 184,221. 



INDEX TO TPIE APPENDIX. 



A. 

Awrlca, how peopled, 244-249 — Emigration 
ihiiher advocated. 2-19 — From its fulfil ing 
Scripture, y5l-i55. — From various other 
considerations, 255 — What place there- 
in best calculated for a colony, 263 

American Plantations, importance of, to Lon- 
don, 243. 

B. 

Barclay, Governor, objections to emigration to 
East Jersey on his account refuted, 310. 

Barclay, Forbes, and Lawrie, their letter to 
the Scotch proprietaries, 288. 



Campbell, John, letters from, 303,305. 
Cocklmrn, James, letters from, 33". 
Concessions of Berkeley and Carteret, 267. 



East Jersey, the best place for a colony, 263. — 
Right ol tne Projirietaries thereto, 263, 
27u. — Patent from the King to the Duke of 
York therefor, 264 —Its climate, 264.— Its 
situation, 265. — Its productions, &c., 265- 
266. — Its commerce, 267. — The natives of, 
267.--Concessions to settlers therein, 267. 
A new scheme for its government devised, 
268. — Facility of transportation thither, 
269. — Confirmatory giant thereof to the 
twenty-four Proprietaries, 271). — Account 
of the settlemen s therein, 271-277. — Con- 
veniencies and comforts there for emi- 
grants, 277. — Its advantages over West 
Jersey and Pennsylvania, 307. — Over Car- 
olina, 308, 309. — Over the West Indies, 
309. — Objections noticed respecting the 
Uuakeis. 31J. — Advertisement eonceiniugj 
331. 



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